11 resultados para Railroads

em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain


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Economists and economic historians want to know how much better life is today than in the past.Fifty years ago economic historians found surprisingly small gains from 19th century US railroads,while more recently economists have found relatively large gains from electricity, computers and cellphones. In each case the implicit or explicit assumption is that researchers were measuring the valueof a new good to society. In this paper we use the same techniques to find the value to society ofmaking existing goods cheaper. Henry Ford did not invent the car, and the inventors of mechanisedcotton spinning in the industrial revolution invented no new product. But both made existing productsdramatically cheaper, bringing them into the reach of many more consumers. That in turn haspotentially large welfare effects. We find that the consumer surplus of Henry Ford s production linewas around 2% by 1923, 15 years after Ford began to implement the moving assembly line, while themechanisation of cotton spinning was worth around 6% by 1820, 34 years after its initial invention.Both are large: of the same order of magnitude as consumer expenditure on these items, and as largeor larger than the value of the internet to consumers. On the social savings measure traditionally usedby economic historians, these process innovations were worth 15% and 18% respectively, makingthem more important than railroads. Our results remind us that process innovations can be at least asimportant for welfare and productivity as the invention of new products.

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This paper describes the improvement that took place in the Spanish transport system between 1800 and 1936. The text points out that, despite the investment efforts that were carried out between 1840 and 1855, the process of transport cost reduction only experienced substantial progress after 1855. The largest transport cost decrease of the period under consideration took place during the three decades between 1855 and the great depression of the late nineteenth century, through the substitution of the railroad for the traditional transport means in the main routes of the country, as well as through the gradual reduction of the price of railway transport. The process went on more slowly later on, thanks to the construction of additional raillway lines (until 1895) and the enlargement of the secondary road network. The process of transport cost reduction accelerated again from the 1920s onwards, thanks to the diffusion of the automobile technology.

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Hom veié que la lluita pel progrés era la lluita pel ferrocarril, i aquesta es convertí en el principal eix de les aspiracions igualadines durant les últimes dècades del segle XIX. La pregunta clau que cal fer-se és fins a quin punt l"aïllament ferroviari d"Igualada roman per causes pròpies o obeeix a plantejament més amplis. A retop d'aquesta, sorgeixen moltes altres preguntes: en quina mesura la solució del problema estava en mans igualadines?; eren aquests realment conscients de la seva situació i de les seves possibilitats?; fou correcta la seva actuació?; quines eren les condicions reals, tant locals com foranies, que jugaven en la qüestió ferroviària en particular i en l"econòmica en general?. Aquesta i d'altres preguntes són les que cal plantejar-se per tal de comprendre veritablement el problema del perllongat aïllament ferroviari d'Igualada.

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This article reassesses the economic impact of Spanish railroads in 1850-1913, which has been usually considered to be substantially higher than in the most developed countries on the basis of the social saving methodology. The application of growth accounting techniques shows, by contrast, that the direct contribution of railroads to economic growth was lower in Spain than in the UK, mainly due to the low importance that railroad transport had within Spanish GDP before 1913.

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This paper presents the first estimates of Spanish infrastructure stock and investment for the period 1845-1935. Several sources and techniques have been used in the estimation, and the new series are reasonably reliable to the standards of historical statistics. Two distinct periods may be distinguished in the series: the years before 1895 (characterized by the prominence of railroads) and the period 1895-1935 (when most investment was addressed to other assets). The new series allow a preliminary comparison of the Spanish infrastructure endowment with that of the most advanced countries, showing a gradual process of convergence before 1936.

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The social saving literature has highlighted the indispensable role that railways played before 1914 in several Latin American export-oriented economies, such as Mexico, Brazil and Argentina. The article analyses the case of Uruguay, a country that, by 1914, had built one of the densest railway networks in Latin America. The article shows that, in contrast to what happened in other economies of the region, the resource saving effects of the Uruguayan railways during the first globalisation were tiny due to the small share that railway output accounted for within the country's gross domestic product (GDP). Three complementary reasons are suggested to explain that result, namely: the geographical structure of the country; its sectoral specialisation; and the small scale of the Uruguayan economy. Due to these three characteristics, Uruguay was unable to benefit from railways in the way that other export-oriented Latin American economies did during the first period of globalisation. This conclusion draws attention to the geographic-specific character of railway technology.

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This paper analyzes the impact of infrastructure investment on Spanish economic growth between 1850 and 1935. Using new infrastructure data and VAR techniques, this paper shows that the growth impact of local-scope infrastructure investment was positive, but returns to investment in large nation-wide networks were not significantly different from zero. Two complementary explanations are suggested for the last result. On the one hand, public intervention and the application of non-efficiency investment criteria were very intense in large network construction. On the other hand, returns to new investment in large networks might have decreased dramatically once the basic links were constructed.

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In April 2009, the US government unveiled its blueprint for a national network of high-speed passenger rail (HSR) lines aimed at reducing traffic congestion, cutting national dependence on foreign oil and improving rural and urban environments. In implementing such a program, it is essential to identify the factors that might influence decision making and the eventual success of the HSR project, as well as foreseeing the obstacles that will have to be overcome.

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En este artículo se intenta ofrecer una solución a la llamada «paradoja del ferrocarril español», es decir, al aparente conflicto existente entre el elevado ahorro social del sistema ferroviario español, por un lado, y, por otro, la escasa utilización de la red y los paupérrimos rendimientos de las compañías concesionarias (achacados tradicionalmente a un exceso de inversión en el sistema). En el artículo se analiza la información disponible referente a esos aspectos y se llega a la conclusión de que, a partir de la base empírica existente, no puede hablarse de exceso de inversión ni de fracaso económico en lo que respecta al sistema ferroviario español. Sí, en cambio, podría hablarse de fracaso en lo que respecta a la intervención estatal, aunque este tema queda pendiente de investigaciones futuras.