When does universal peace prevail? Secession and group formation in rent seeking contests and policy conflicts

This paper analyzes secession and group formation in a general model of contest inspired by Esteban and Ray (1999). This model encompasses as special cases rent seeking contests and policy conflicts, where agents lobby over the choice of a policy in a one-dimensional policy space. We show that in both models the grand coalition is the efficient coalition structure and agents are always better off in the grand coalition than in a symmetric coalition structure. Individual agents (in the rent seeking contest) and extremists (in the policy conflict) only have an incentive to secede when they anticipate that their secession will not be followed by additional secessions. Incentives to secede are lower when agents cooperate inside groups. The grand coalition emerges as the unique subgame perfect equilibrium outcome of a sequential game of coalition formation in rent seeking contests.

Elections in 2009? Progress and obstacles in the construction of peace in the Ivory Coast

In 2002 in the Ivory Coast three months of armed conflict ended with the division of the country. Two regions were separated by an interposition line controlled by the French Forces Licorne. This significant peace process was maintained over time, but characterized for lack of mutual confidence and political immobility, which led to an impasse and the continuation of Laurent Gbagbo in the presidency. Moreover, the peace building process was less successful because the different political agreements failed to address some of the main national problems, such as land property and identity issues. The following paper aims first to analyze the main facts and causes that instigated the conflict since the coup d�����tat in 2002. Secondly, the paper will analyze the peace process and point out the key elements of the Ouagadougou Peace Agreement (2007): the creation of a new and unique armed forces structure, as well as the identification of the population and implementation of an electoral process. The main goal is to provide the International Catalan Institute for Peace (ICIP) a working tool in order to send an electoral observation mission to this African country by November 2009.

Lessons of peace in Aceh: administrative decentralization and political freedom as a strategy of pacification in Aceh

This working paper shows the evolution of the Aceh conflict until its peaceful resolution in 2005. The key factors in the success of this peace process have been the confluence of several factors related to the internal and external dynamics of the country, including the new political leadership, the decreasing role of the military power, the international support and the meeting of the objectives of both groups, and so on. The end of the conflict in Aceh shows that the administrative decentralization and the promotion of the political participation of the main actors involved have made possible the development of a solid alternative to the arms strategy of conflict resolution used for years in Indonesia.

The participation of women in peace processes: the other tables

This paper argues that women���s absence in peace processes cannot be explained by their alleged lack of experience in dialogue and negotiation, but by a serious lack of will to include them in such important initiatives of change. Women have wide ranging experience in dialogue processes including many war and post-war contexts, but there has been a deliberate lack of effort to integrate them in formal peace processes. After introducing the research framework, the paper addresses women���s involvement in peace, and analyzes the role played by women in peace processes, through the cases of Sri Lanka and Northern Ireland. The paper concludes that peace processes are as gendered as wars, and for that reason gender has to be a guiding line for including women in peace processes.

The Peace Processes in the Basque Country and Northern Ireland (1994-2006): a Comparative Approach

The peace process in Northern Ireland demonstrates that new sovereignty formulas need to be explored in order to meet the demands of the populations and territories in conflict. The profound transformation of the classic symbolic elements of the nation-state within the context of the European Union has greatly contributed to the prospects for a resolution of this old conflict. Today���s discussions are focused on the search for instruments of shared sovereignty that are adapted to a complex and plural social reality. This new approach for finding a solution to the Irish conflict is particularly relevant to the Basque debate about formulating creative and modern solutions to similar conflicts over identity and sovereignty. The notion of shared sovereignty implemented in Northern Ireland ���a formula for complex interdependent relations��� is of significant relevance to the broader international community and is likely to become an increasingly potent and transcendent model for conflict resolution and peace building.

Measuring peace. Initiatives, limitations and proposals. Seminar proceedings Barcelona, March 2010

These proceedings correspond to the international seminar ���Measuring Peace. Initiatives, Limitations and Proposals��� organized by the International Catalan Institute for Peace, which took place in Barcelona on the 4th and the 5th of March 2010. The Human Development Index is the most visible attempt over the last years to improve the statistical tools so that they offer results which are closer to social realities. In the field of Peace the attempts to create new measuring mechanisms have not been able to move beyond the negative conception of peace, which means that it has just been considered as an absence of violent conflicts. In this context, the international seminar organized by the ICIP was an attempt to compile recent contributions of different investigation centres which have focused in conceptualizing positive peace and new ways to measure it.

Conflict, Peace and Security in Africa: an Assessment and New Questions After 50 Years of African Independence

Since the independence processes in the African continent, armed conflicts, peace and security have raised concern and attention both at the domestic level and at the international scale. In recent years, all aspects have undergone significant changes which have given rise to intense debate. The end of some historical conflicts has taken place in a context of slight decrease in the number of armed conflicts and the consolidation of post-conflict reconstruction processes. Moreover, African regional organizations have staged an increasingly more active internal shift in matters related to peace and security, encouraged by the idea of promoting ���African solutions to African problems���. This new scenario, has been accompanied by new uncertainties at the security level and major challenges at the operational level, especially for the African Union. This article aims to ascertain the state of affairs on all these issues and raise some key questions to consider.

New developments of peace research: The impact of recent campaigns on disarmament and human security

The present text, based on previous work done by the authors on peace research (Grasa 1990 and 2010) and the disarmament campaigns linked to Human Security (Alcalde 2009 and 2010), has two objectives. First, to present a new agenda for peace research, based on the resolution/transformation of conflicts and the promotion of collective action in furtherance of human security and human development. Second, to focus specifically on collective action and on a positive reading of some of the campaigns that have taken place during the last decades in order to see how the experiences of such will affect the future agenda for peace research and action for peace.

The analysis of the framing processes of the Basque peace movement: The way Lokarri and Gesto por la Paz changed society

During more than 20 years organisations like Gesto por la Paz and Lokarri had been trying to change the social approach to violence, instilling values of peace and dialogue. This working paper defends the idea that the work of these two organisations is key to understand the end of ETA violence and the lack of support that political violence has in the Basque Country. It develops the Basque peace frame generated by this movement and explains how this frame is present in the different levels of Basque society, changing the way political collective identities are negotiated in the Basque Country. Ultimately, their effort is to propose another way of doing politics, one where nationalism and violence are not intrinsically united, escaping from the polarization and confrontation that were in place during the 80s-90s.

���All we want in Laos is peace, not war": Intervenci��n de Estados Unidos en Laos, 1954-1961

La guerra de Laos es probablemente uno de los episodios de la Guerra Fr��a m��s desconocidos e ignorados por la historiograf��a a pesar de las terribles consecuencias que tuvo. El hecho de que frecuentemente se considere como un conflicto perif��rico y ligado a la Guerra de Vietnam no contribuye tampoco a mejorar esta imagen.

On dictatorship, economic development and stability

This paper aims to account for varying economic performances and political stability under dictatorship. We argue that economic welfare and social order are the contemporary relevant factors of political regimes' stability. Societies with low natural level of social order tend to tolerate predatory behavior from dictators in exchange of a provision of civil peace. The fear of anarchy may explain why populations are locked in the worst dictatorships. In contrast, in societies enjoying a relative natural civil peace, dictatorship is less likely to be predatory because low economic welfare may destabilize it.

The European Union Police Mission: The Beginning of a New Future for Bosnia and Herzegovina?

The creation, reform and/or restructuring of the police in post-conflict societies remains one of the key challenges for practitioners and scholars in the contemporary fields of peace and security, particularly due to the changing nature of conflicts. Since the 1990s the world has witnessed a proliferation of international police missions, with regional organisations gradually acquiring a prominent role. This paper analyses the 2003-2005 period of the European Union Police Mission (EUPM) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Much is at stake in this mission, both in terms of the development of the EU��s external identity but also for Bosnia and Herzegovina���s road to EU membership and sustainable peace. This paper will argue that by 2005 the balance sheet was mixed. EUPM fell short of fulfilling its overall goal of ���Europeanising��� Bosnian police services, and of its desire to be seen as providing that additional ingredient in police matters that would set it apart from the earlier UN mission. Nevertheless, despite its shortcomings, the Mission did not merit the harsh criticisms it was faced with. Its lack of success was not entirely the Mission���s doing. The paper focuses on three aspects: political and economic viability and sustainability, security levels in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and institution and capacity building. The explanatory framework used in this paper is based on the democratic policing discourse. In doing so the argument developed here will also shed light on the nature of so-called ���best European practices��� in police matters.

The Impact of democratization: a preliminary investigation on social policies and political violence in Latin America

The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful ��lites and counter-��lites.

��Elecciones en 2009? Avances y obst��culos de la construcci��n de paz en Costa de Marfil

Tres meses de conflicto armado en C��te d'Ivoire en 2002 acabaron con la divisi��n del pa��s en dos regiones, separadas por una l��nea de separaci��n controlada por las francesas Forces Licorne. El proceso de paz se alarg�� en el tiempo y se caracteriz�� por una falta de confianza mutua y por la inmovilidad pol��tica. Estos hechos desembocaron en una situaci��n de impasse y en la permanencia de Laurent Gbagbo en la presidencia del pa��s. Adem��s, los diferentes acuerdos pol��ticos no ayudaron al proceso de construcci��n de paz, ya que no trataban algunos de los problemas principales del pa��s, como la propiedad de las tierras y la identidad. Este documento de trabajo aspira, en primer lugar, a analizar los hechos principales y las causas que originaron el conflicto desde el golpe de estado de 2002. En segundo lugar, el documento analiza el proceso de paz y se��ala los elementos clave del Acuerdo de Paz de Ouagadougou (2007): la creaci��n de una estructura de fuerzas armadas nueva y ��nica, as�� como la identificaci��n de la poblaci��n y la convocatoria de elecciones. El objetivo principal es proporcionar una herramienta de trabajo al Institut Catal�� Internacional per la Pau (ICIP) para enviar una futura comisi��n de observaci��n electoral a este pa��s africano.

Eleccions al 2009? Aven��os i obstacles de la construcci�� de pau a Costa d'Ivori

Tres mesos de conflicte armat a C��te d���Ivoire durant el 2002 acabaren amb la divisi�� del pa��s en dues regions, separades per una l��nia d���interposici�� controlada per les franceses Forces Licorne. El proc��s de pau es perllong�� en el temps i es caracteritz�� per una manca de confian��a m��tua i per una immobilitat pol��tica. Aquests fets desembocaren en una situaci�� d���impasse i en la perman��ncia de Laurent Gbagbo a la presid��ncia del pa��s. A m��s, els diferents acords pol��tics no ajudaren el proc��s de construcci�� de pau, ja que no encaraven alguns dels problemes principals del pa��s, com ara la propietat de les terres i els assumptes d���identitat. Aquest document de treball aspira, en primer lloc, a analitzar els fets principals i les causes que originaren el conflicte des del cop d���estat del 2002. En segon lloc, el document analitza el proc��s de pau i assenyala els elements clau de l���Acord de Pau d���Ouagadougou (2007): la creaci�� d���una estructura de forces armades nova i ��nica, aix�� com la identificaci�� de la poblaci�� i la realitzaci�� d���un proc��s electoral. L���objectiu principal ��s proporcionar una eina de treball a l���Institut Catal�� Internacional per la Pau (ICIP) per enviar una missi�� d���observaci�� electoral a aquest pa��s afric�� el novembre de 2009.