28 resultados para Metaphysical quest
em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain
Resumo:
Campaign efforts by NGOs initially put conflict diamonds on the global radar screen in the late 1990s. In response, the Kimberley Process (KP), a negotiation forum between states, NGOs, and industry, was formed to discuss possible solutions to curb the trade in conflict diamonds. Less than three years later, a voluntary, global certification named the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS) was adopted. The KPCS regulates the trade of rough diamonds by certifying all legitimate diamonds. This paper outlines the problem of conflict diamonds, how a global campaign raised awareness about the issue, and how the process of solution building unfolded in the KP. My analysis focuses on the diverse set of actors (NGOs, states, and industry) and their changing interactions over the course of the campaign and global regulation efforts. I conclude with several key lessons that capture important elements observed in this case study.
Resumo:
Mentre que les nanotecnologies s'espera que porti beneficis importants en molts sectors i contribuir a la competitivitat, hi ha un creixent cos de dades científiques que indiquin que hi ha motius raonables per témer que els nanomaterials en particular pot donar lloc a els possibles riscos i efectes nocius per a la salut i el medi ambient. El meu objectiu és examinar com la Unió Europea està donant forma a un règim regulatori per nanomaterials: l'opció regulatòria escollida, la legislació vigent aplicable i la seva eficàcia (amb especial atenció sobre REACH buits normatius), la posició adoptada per la els diferents actors en aquest procés i l'evolució prevista legal en el curt termini.
Resumo:
In most initiatives to publish Open Educational Resources (OER), the production of OER is the activity with the highest costs. Based on literature and personal experiences a list of relevant characteristics of production processes for OER are determined. Three cases are compared with each other on these characteristics. Most influence on costs are human costs and the type of OER created.
Resumo:
The Asian Diaspora in the Americas in the 16th and 17th has been neglected by scholars for a long time. This fact is baffling, not only for the great interest of this topic in of itself, but also because it could provide new knowledge of colonial Mexico, especially in terms of the interaction among the many groups that populated the colony. This early movement of people and ideas across the largest extension of water in the planet is characteristic of what has been called the ¿archaic globalization,¿ and thus research on these matters could contribute to the history of globalization.In this presentation, I seek to further elaborate on the themes outlined by Edward Slack in The Chinos in New Spain: A Corrective Lens for a Distorted Image, an article published in 2009 in the Journal of World History. Firstly, I would like to bring forth some evidence that indicates that Asian religious practices were present in Mexico in the 1600s. Furthermore, I will argue that the traces of these practices are still visible today, in the form of a popular fortune-telling tradition. Secondly, I intend to provide some information about the arrival, settlement and distribution of the Asian Diaspora. I will focus on their distribution within Mexico City. Thirdly, I will elaborate on their occupations, social status and daily life, as well as in the patterns in marriages and relations with other groups. And lastly, I will show how the guild of barbers served as an Asian immigrant reception network.
Resumo:
Removal of introns during pre-mRNA splicing is a critical process in gene expression, and understanding its control at both single-gene and genomic levels is one of the great challenges in Biology. Splicing takes place in a dynamic, large ribonucleoprotein complex known as the spliceosome. Combining Genetics and Biochemistry, Saccharomyces cerevisiae provides insights into its mechanisms, including its regulation by RNA-protein interactions. Recent genome-wide analyses indicate that regulated splicing is broad and biologically relevant even in organisms with a relatively simple intronic structure, such as yeast. Furthermore, the possibility of coordination in splicing regulation at genomic level is becoming clear in this model organism. This should provide a valuable system to approach the complex problem of the role of regulated splicing in genomic expression.
Resumo:
This article presents and explores the axioms and core ideas, or idées-force, of the Fascist ideologies of the first third of the twentieth century. The aim is to identify the features that define the term “Classical Fascism” as a conceptual category in the study of politics and to uncover the core ideas of its political theory. This analysis requires an appraisal of both the idées-force themselves and the political use that is made of them. If these appreciations are correct, Classical Fascism is characterized by a set of ideological and political aims and methods in which ideas, attitudes and behaviours are determined by an anti-democratic palingenetic ultranationalism underpinned by a sacralized ideology; the quest for a united, indissoluble society as apolitical system and, at the same time, the collective myth that mobilizes and redeems the nation; and third, violence as a political vehicle applied unchecked against internal opposition and against external enemies who challenge the nation´s progression towards the dream of rebirth and the culmination of this progression in the form of an empire.
Resumo:
Elite perceptions about Europe are a very important point in order to understand the current European integration process, as well as the future perspectives for the continent. This study makes a comparison between the perceptions which political and economical elites in some European countries have about the European Union process and its mechanisms. The main goal is to identify the differences in positions of each type of elites, as well as the variations among three key countries. The database built thanks to the INTUNE (Integrated and United? A quest for Citizenship in an ¨ever closer Europe¨) Project Survey on European Elites and Masses, funded by the Sixth Framework Programme of the EU [Contract CIT 3-CT-2005-513421] have being used. The questionnaire was applied between February and May 2007, in a total of 18 European countries. The national teams got a total of almost 2000 valid responses at European level. In the analysis we have showed some general descriptive statistics about the perception of Europe taking as a reference two dimensions of the INTUNE project: identity (attachment to the national level, the meaning of being a truly national, and the threats from Turkey that EU is facing at this moment) and representation (trust in European and national institutions, preferences for a national or an European army). The results are presented distinguishing between political (national MP’s in low chambers) and economical elites (presidents of corporations, general managers…) and, at the same time, among three countries: Germany as an original member of the European Union; Spain, incorporated in 1986; and a new member, Poland, joining the EU in 2004.
Resumo:
L'objectiu de la recerca és determinar quina és la noció de rigidesa més adient per als termes generals. Els termes generals són els que, per oposició als termes singulars, es poden aplicar a més d'un individu o exemplar, com per exemple 'tigre', 'aigua', 'bolígraf'. Des de Kripke es considera que alguns termes singulars, com els noms propis, són rígids. Un terme singular és rígid quan designa el mateix individu o objecte en tot món possible. Així 'Sòcrates' és un terme rígid perquè designa el mateix individu, Sòcrates, en tota circumstància contrafàctica. Kripke va proposar que alguns termes generals, com els termes de gènere natural, tals com 'aigua', 'calor' o 'tigre' també són rígids, però no va donar cap formulació precisa de la rigidesa per a termes generals. Des de llavors s'han proposat bàsicament dues concepcions de la rigidesa per a aquests termes: la que els considera designadors rígids i la que els considera aplicadors rígids. L'anàlisi de les dues concepcions pretén determinar quina és la millor comprensió de la rigidesa per a aquests termes, resultant la concepció dels aplicadors rígids indesitjable fonamentalment pels seus compromisos metafísics i allunyats de la semàntica.
Resumo:
Resultats d’una enquesta de victimització a migrants, elaborada en el si del Grup de recerca “Sistema de justícia penal”, amb el finançament de l’Institut de Seguretat de Catalunya. La recerca projectada parteix de la constatació de l’escàs coneixement existent sobre la victimització de la població migrant. Aquesta no és una singularitat del nostre país, sinó que és una deficiència universal, que té molt a veure amb la posició social de les persones migrants i amb les característiques de les fonts de coneixement de la delinqüència, tant les de caràcter oficial com les no oficials. Ja Christie (1986) havia advertit que la delinqüència soportada per la població migrant estava infrarepresentada a les enquestes de victimització, fet que explicava per la tendència d’aquests instruments de recerca a centrar-se en la “víctima ideal”. Sigui o no certa l’afirmació, pot constatar-se fàcilment com la forma en que normalment es duen a terme les enquestes permet pressuposar que no arriben a les persones migrants de la mateixa manera que a la població general. Un fet no menyspreable és que les persones pertanyents a aquests col-lectius socials minoritaris disposen en menor mesura de telèfon fix al seu domicili. A banda, s’ha de comptar amb els obstacles que poden dificultar l’accés dels entrevistadors o la confiança en aquests, i que les enquestes de victimització no acostumen a estratificar la mostra incloent entre els grups de població prefixats en la mostra convidada la nacionalitat de les persones entrevistades. Les enquestes de victimització realitzades a Catalunya i, en general, a Espanya, no han estat una excepció en aquests punts i per tant és pertinent dubtar si reflecteixen de manera adequada la victimització que pateixen aquests col-lectius.
Resumo:
My interest in higher education and citizenship in the Middle East at large and in Jordan in particular is fostered by some of the reflections Eickelman proposed (1992). Being a quite recent phenomenon, intimately linked with the more general topic of state formation it seemed to me more suitable to study it in a little country with a recent history (a field study left almost unexplored until now as far as Jordan is concerned, to the best of my knowledge, since Antoun 1994 focuses on the migration as a quest for higher education). The process of state formation in Jordan is quite studied. I thus intended to study the higher education policies as an attempt both to create a national citizenry and more recently as a way of controlling the more problematic part of the population (youth, which constitutes more than the double of the population. See UNDP and Ministry of Planning 2000). How do the young students enter the university system, and in which way does this system work? How is this system designed, in order to retain social control of the students (since they are usually perceived to be a factor of social and political instability, as in Iran or in Egypt)? Is there any significant difference between different faculties? And if so, why? My conclusions at this stage are that the university system is an integral part of the survival of the regime. The system works quite well, and Jordan has one of the best educational position in the region. Yet there are important distinctions to be made: the access to the better faculties is socially selective while the less valued faculties are left to the poorer and less wealthy youth. This results in a different treatment of the students and of the courses that I analysed. In the better faculties the teaching standards are quite high, and the relationship between professors and students is almost on a same-level base, while in the less privileged faculties the opposite is true. Thus we can observe a concrete politics of divide et impera intended to split the youth in two. For the more privileged there are some freedoms, both within and outside classes, designed I guess at forging them as autonomous individuals. On the opposite the less privileged are kept under tight control, even if also these students are a privileged category among youth at large.
Resumo:
What abortion laws a liberal political community ought to have? Much has been said about the moral problem of abortion, but there has not been yet (to my knowledge) a fully articulate account of the bearing of the competing answers to this ethical problem on liberal public reason. The first part of my project consists in a critical review of the different attempts to solve the various philosophical puzzles, both metaphysical and moral, posed by the abortion problem. Why is it wrong to kill beings like you and me? By answering this question we shall gain a better insight into those properties we have that give us such strong reasons against killing beings like us. Here we face a tremendous philosophical diffuculty, for it is not possible to determine what the robustest account of the wrongness of killing is without dealing with deeper metaethical and metaphysical problems. Indeed, consequentialist and nonconsequentialist moral theories differ in what it is that makes an action morally wrong -is it just the outcome of the action as compared with the outcomes of its alternatives? Or is it something else? Also, what are we essentially? Is the foetus merely our precursor? Then killing a foetus is relevantly similar to contraception. Or is the foetus one of us? If so, when we kill it, are we depriving it of a future as valuable as ours? Perhaps the relation of identity (the fact that it is its future as opposed to someone else's) doesn't matter. That may be because the foetus is an aggregate of biological and psychological facts and perhaps aggregates are not substances. Or maybe it is a substance but only psychological realtions matter, not personal identity. The second part of my project has to do with the different status these metaphisical and ethical positions ought to have in liberal public reason. Though this is the part in which most research is still needed, my own intuition is that, given the depth of the philosphical views in competition, restrictive abortion laws ought to be considered unrespectful to citizens' autonomy.
Resumo:
La crisi i esfondrament del pensament metafísic heretat de la modernitat deixa la filosofia contemporània davant d'un nou paradigma on el coneixement s’ha de construir prescindint de tota identitat i fonamentació. El meu projecte s’estableix com un recorregut descendent que parteix d’un àmbit concret, com és el del problema de la manca de fonamentació en la filosofia política contemporània, per arribar a la veritable arrel del problema general que no és altre que la mateixa naturalesa del llenguatge filosòfic. El punt de partida és la pregunta sobre la possibilitat d’una filosofia política en termes postmetafísics. La filosofia política, atrapada entre les forces de la tirania unitària del concepte metafísic i la dissolució pràctica en pro de la realitat instrumental, traça ponts cap a l’estètica i la deconstrucció, que tenen com a corol•lari final qüestionar-nos els propis límits del pensament polític. El concepte d’impolític és una sortida deconstructiva a aquest atzucac. Des d’Esposito, Rancière, Nancy, però sobretot Massimo Cacciari, he aprofundit en el paradigma postmetafísic que origina aquesta negació política de la pròpia política, política com els seus límits, relació com a distància i identitat com a silenci. És evident que la clau de volta és l’herència i recepció contemporània de Nietzsche i la seva crítica a la transcendentalitat moderna en el sí de l’elaboració d’un coneixement en un naufragi constant pel fracàs de la síntesi que anhela. És aquesta herència la que ha possibilitat aquest pensament negatiu contemporani, el del joc wittgensteinià, la deconstrucció del valor que queda convertit en el seu propi marge (Derrida). Definim així no només una comunitat política basada en la incommensurabilitat dels seus membres alhora buits de contingut (Musil), sinó un model de llenguatge que és el seu propi silenci, un llenguatge en contínua lluita contra sí mateix. El meu projecte és una relectura d’aquesta veritat no identitària on el concepte de diàleg pren una importància cabdal. La filosofia de la música aquí es presenta com un terreny fèrtil d’eines conceptuals a l’hora de desenvolupar-ho. La música és el llenguatge negatiu que només troba possibilitat en la seva pròpia impossibilitat de contingut sintètic. Més enllà de les referències obligatòries a chönberg i Adorno entre altres, el camí iniciat per Bergson amb la introducció de la temporalitat a la discussió obra la porta al paper de l’esdveniment en aquest discurs sobre la impossibilitat. Tornant a la filosofia, on el propi llenguatge filosòfic es defineix ja com a impossible, l’esdeveniment reobre l’antiga tensió entre l’escriptura i la paraula viva, veritable fonament del problema, i vèrtex de la possibilitat d’aquesta filosofia impossible.
Resumo:
En aquest projecte s’ha implentat un framework per crear jocs de rol per ainterfícies tangibles. S’ha intentat arribar a un nivell d’abstracció prou elevat com perquè l'usuari del framework no necessiti tenir coneixements de programació gaire avançats per utilitzar-lo.El projecte va néixer de la idea d’utilitzar miniatures dels jocs de rol convencionalssobre una interfície tangible, intentant fusionar realitat amb ficció. Agafant com a influència principal un joc de taula ja existent, el Hero Quest™. D’aquesta manera s’ha pogut fer un anàlisi complert del joc i intentar solucionar possibles defectes que les interfícies tangibles ens ajudessin a solucionar.Gracies al equip reacTable, que forma part del Grup de Tecnologia Musical de laUniversitat Pompeu Fabra, qui va desenvolupar una interfície tabletop d’aquestes característiques com a instrument musical, s’ha pogut realitzar aquest experiment i barrejar els jocs de rol sobre taula amb els videojocs.
Resumo:
In the quest to completely describe entanglement in the general case of a finite number of parties sharing a physical system of finite-dimensional Hilbert space an entanglement magnitude is introduced for its pure and mixed states: robustness. It corresponds to the minimal amount of mixing with locally prepared states which washes out all entanglement. It quantifies in a sense the endurance of entanglement against noise and jamming. Its properties are studied comprehensively. Analytical expressions for the robustness are given for pure states of two-party systems, and analytical bounds for mixed states of two-party systems. Specific results are obtained mainly for the qubit-qubit system (qubit denotes quantum bit). As by-products local pseudomixtures are generalized, a lower bound for the relative volume of separable states is deduced, and arguments for considering convexity a necessary condition of any entanglement measure are put forward.
Resumo:
The aim of this article is to read accurately the novel by M. A. Riera from the point of view of the Classical Tradition and, specifically, from the perspective of the evident Platonic tradition ¿the most metaphysical Platonic love- upon which it is based. In the author¿s opinion, only this accurate reading makes us understand why certain values coming from Paganism and which were considered as such cannot be restored by the Platonic Western world.