The ‘Global Dimension’ of Contemporary Politics. An Argument for Taking ‘Global’ Seriously

Recent years have seen a striking proliferation of the term ‘global’ in public and political discourse. The popularity of the term is a manifestation of the fact that there is a widespread notion that contemporary social reality is ‘global’. The acknowledgment of this notion has important political implications and raises questions about the role played by the idea of the ‘global’ in policy making. These questions, in turn, expose even more fundamental issues about whether the term ‘global’ indicates a difference in kind, even an ontological shift, and, if so, how to approach it. This paper argues that the notion of ‘global’, in other words the ‘global dimension’, is a significant aspect of contemporary politics that needs to be investigated. The paper argues that in the globalization discourse of International Studies ‘global’ is ‘naturalized’, which means that it is taken for granted and assumed to be self-evident. The term ‘global’ is used mainly in a descriptive way and subsumed under the rubric of ‘globalization’. ‘Global’ tends to be equated with transnational and/or world-wide; hence, it addresses quantitative differences in degree but not (alleged) differences in kind. In order to advance our understanding of contemporary politics, ‘global’ needs to be taken seriously. This means, firstly, to understand and to conceptualize ‘global’ as a social category; and, secondly, to uncover ‘global’ as a ‘naturalized’ concept in the Political and International Studies strand of the globalization discourse in order to rescue it for innovative new approaches in the investigation of contemporary politics. In order to do so, the paper suggests adopting a strong linguistic approach starting with the analysis of the word ‘global’. Based on insights from post-structuralism as well as cognitive and general constructivist perspectives it argues that a frame-based corpus linguistic analysis offers the possibility of investigating the collective/social meaning(s) of global in order to operationalize them for the analysis of the ‘global dimension’ of contemporary politics.

The Predicate-Argument Structure

Aquest article conté una proposta per a la representació de les estructures predicatives (és a dir, dels predicats amb els seus arguments) en els formalismes basats en estructures de trets tipificades. L’article comença amb una discussió dels objectius i del nivell de descripció de la representació que es proprosa; i després se centra en una exemplificació minuciosa de les estructures predicatives de totes les categories majors (verbs, adjectius, preposicions i noms), així com d’algunes relacions de modificació.

Argument omissions in preschool Catalan and Spanish speaking children with SLI

El presente artículo describe tres estudios sobre la producción del verbo y la estructura argumental en niños con Trastorno Específico del Lenguaje (TEL) usando diferentes metodologías. El primero es un estudio observacional que usa una muestra de habla espontánea. El segundo usa una tarea experimental de denominación de oraciones como resultado de la observación de videos de acciones. El tercero comprende la tarea de denominación de oraciones con imágenes estáticas en eventos con diferente complejidad argumental. Aunque los datos concretos varían en función de la metodología usada, hay una clara evidencia de que los niños de habla catalana y española con TEL presentan especiales dificultades en la producción de verbos con una alta complejidad en relación a la estructura argumental y cometen errores en la especificación de los argumentos obligatorios. Se concluye quetanto limitaciones en el procesamiento como déficits en la representación semántica de los verbos pueden estar implicados en estas dificultades

Social Multi-Criteria Evaluation (SMCE)

The main argument developed here is the proposal of the concept of “Social Multi-Criteria Evaluation” (SMCE) as a possible useful framework for the application of social choice to the difficult policy problems of our Millennium, where, as stated by Funtowicz and Ravetz, “facts are uncertain, values in dispute, stakes high and decisions urgent”. This paper starts from the following main questions: 1. Why “Social” Multi-criteria Evaluation? 2. How such an approach should be developed? The foundations of SMCE are set up by referring to concepts coming from complex system theory and philosophy, such as reflexive complexity, post-normal science and incommensurability. To give some operational guidelines on the application of SMCE basic questions to be answered are: 1. How is it possible to deal with technical incommensurability? 2. How can we deal with the issue of social incommensurability? To answer these questions, by using theoretical considerations and lessons learned from realworld case studies, is the main objective of the present article.

Transition modes and institutional outcomes in El Salvador and Guatemala

Institutions affect key dimensions of the political process –policy, stability, and conflict. The choice of institutions is thus consequential. I argue that transition modes affect the choice of institutions in predictable and systematic ways. The more balanced power is between the two main bargaining forces –regime elite and opposition– the likelier that the resulting institutions will be pluralistic. Contrarily, the more unbalanced power is in favour of regime elites vis a vis the opposition, the likelier that institutions will be majoritarian. The argument is tested for El Salvador and Guatemala.

Forward induction and the excess capacity puzzle: An experimental investigation.

While the theoretical industrial organization literature has long argued that excess capacity can be used to deter entry into markets, there is little empirical evidence that incumbent firms effectively behave in this way. Bagwell and Ramey (1996) propose a game with a specific sequence of moves and partially-recoverable capacity costs in which forward induction provides a theoretical rationalization for firm behavior in the field. We conduct an experiment with a game inspired by their work. In our data the incumbent tends to keep the market, in contrast to what the forward induction argument of Bagwell and Ramey would suggest. The results indicate that players perceive that the first mover has an advantage without having to pre-commit capacity. In our game, evolution and learning do not drive out this perception. We back these claims with data analysis, a theoretical framework for dynamics, and simulation results.

The Rise of democracy in Europe and the fight against mass poverty in Latin America: the implications for marxist thought of some recent mainstream papers

Recently a number of mainstream papers have treated the rise of democracy in 19th century Europe and its instability in Latin America in an eminently Marxist fashion. This paper sets out their implications for Marxist thought. With respect to Europe, Marx's emphasis on political action backed by the threat of violence is vindicated but his justification for socialism is not. With respect to Latin America, the unequal distribution of wealth is the cause of political instability that is, in turn, the root cause of mass poverty. In addition it is possible to explain some of the paradoxical characteristics of neo-liberalism and to make a weak argument for socialism in spite of its rejection in Europe.

Learning the ropes and embracing the rules: CFSP institutions as arenas for learning and strategic socialisation

The aim of this article is to analyse those situations in which learning and socialisation take place within the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), in particular, at the level of experts in the Council Working Groups. Learning can explain the institutional development of CFSP and changes in the foreign policies of the Member States. Some scope conditions for learning and channels of institutionalisation are identified. Socialisation, resulting from learning within a group, is perceived as a strategic action by reflective actors. National diplomats, once they arrive in Brussels, learn the new code of conduct of their Working Groups. They are embedded in two environments and faced with two logics: the European one in the Council and the national one in the Ministries of Foreign Affairs (MFA). The empirical evidence supports the argument that neither rational nor sociological approaches alone can account for these processes.

The European Union Police Mission: The Beginning of a New Future for Bosnia and Herzegovina?

The creation, reform and/or restructuring of the police in post-conflict societies remains one of the key challenges for practitioners and scholars in the contemporary fields of peace and security, particularly due to the changing nature of conflicts. Since the 1990s the world has witnessed a proliferation of international police missions, with regional organisations gradually acquiring a prominent role. This paper analyses the 2003-2005 period of the European Union Police Mission (EUPM) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Much is at stake in this mission, both in terms of the development of the EU´s external identity but also for Bosnia and Herzegovina’s road to EU membership and sustainable peace. This paper will argue that by 2005 the balance sheet was mixed. EUPM fell short of fulfilling its overall goal of ‘Europeanising’ Bosnian police services, and of its desire to be seen as providing that additional ingredient in police matters that would set it apart from the earlier UN mission. Nevertheless, despite its shortcomings, the Mission did not merit the harsh criticisms it was faced with. Its lack of success was not entirely the Mission’s doing. The paper focuses on three aspects: political and economic viability and sustainability, security levels in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and institution and capacity building. The explanatory framework used in this paper is based on the democratic policing discourse. In doing so the argument developed here will also shed light on the nature of so-called “best European practices” in police matters.

Note on a theorem of Bousfield and Friedlander

We examine the proof of a classical localization theorem of Bousfield and Friedlander and we remove the assumption that the underlying model category be right proper. The key to the argument is a lemma about factoring in morphisms in the arrow category of a model category.

Un estudi de les argumentacions d’estudiants anglesos i catalans en activitats de resolució de problemes no formals en ciències i de les estratègies didàctiques dels professors que afavoreixen l’argumentació a les classes

Una de les contribucions de la recerca sobre concepcions prèvies dels estudiants en ciències durant els darrers 25 anys ha estat mostrar la influència del context sociocultural dels nois i noies en les idees i concepcions que desenvolupen i mantenen des de la seva infància. Hi ha l’acord que algunes diferències en les concepcions poden dependre de la cultura social en la qual s’integren. Alguns investigadors també pensen que els esquemes argumentatius també poden ser influenciats per la cultura de les comunitats. Els contextos Català i Anglès semblen similars, ambdós formen part del context cultural de les societats desenvolupades; per tant, podem pensar que els esquemes argumentatius que els estudiants apliquen, poden tenir moltes similituds, però també importants diferències. Les dades analitzades provenen de les respostes escrites dels estudiants individuals i de les transcripcions de 8 grups de discussió sobre quatre tasques. L’anàlisi es fa a tres nivells: 1)comparació del nombre d’arguments entre tasques i entre països, 2) qualitativa i descriptiva comparació entre tipus d’esquemes argumentatius per tasques i per països i 3) explicació de tipus d’esquemes argumentatius que es donen molt, i identificació d’estructures argumentatives complexes que lliguen diversos esquemes en un argument més gran i que poden caracteritzar l’argumentació d’alguns grups (aplicant Toulmin) i que poden ser indicadors d’aspectes cooperatius i de canvis de punts de vista en les discussions. Els resultants ens indiquen que encara que els estudiants Catalans dediquen més temps a les discussions, la ratio nombre d’esquemes per unitat de temps és similar als dos països. S’han trobar algunes diferències entre tipus d'esquemes per països i per tasques, també que molts arguments es basen en valors i idees preconcebudes. S’han pogut identificar també algunes estructures argumentatives complexes no gaire comunes.

Regularity and mass conservation for discrete coagulation-fragmentation equations with diffusion

We present a new a-priori estimate for discrete coagulation fragmentation systems with size-dependent diffusion within a bounded, regular domain confined by homogeneous Neumann boundary conditions. Following from a duality argument, this a-priori estimate provides a global L2 bound on the mass density and was previously used, for instance, in the context of reaction-diffusion equations. In this paper we demonstrate two lines of applications for such an estimate: On the one hand, it enables to simplify parts of the known existence theory and allows to show existence of solutions for generalised models involving collision-induced, quadratic fragmentation terms for which the previous existence theory seems difficult to apply. On the other hand and most prominently, it proves mass conservation (and thus the absence of gelation) for almost all the coagulation coefficients for which mass conservation is known to hold true in the space homogeneous case.

La Transición de la mortalidad en el siglo XX: el caso de Tarragona

Resum L'estudi és una aproximació a l'anàlisi de l'evolució i de les característiques de la mortalitat a la província de Tarragona durant tot el segle XX. L'objectiu de la recerca és doble, per una part es descriu l'evolució de la mortalitat mitjançant la Transició Demogràfica i Epidemiològica i, per una altra, es desenvolupen algunes hipòtesis que tractaran d'explicar el procés de la Transició Sanitària mitjançant els factors determinants. En contra de l'argument monocausal (McKeown, 1976), els defensors de l'actuació multicausal (Livi Bacci, 1987; entre d'altres) podrien ser els promotors de la Teoria de la Transició Sanitària de Frenk en 1991. La multiplicitat de factors (culturals, educatius, socials, sanitaris...) i les variades interaccions entre ells, que protegeixen i resisteixen la malaltia, és el que podria explicar la diversitat de nivells de causes de malaltia i la mort entre les diferents àrees territorials i la seva cronologia. Resumen El estudio es una aproximación al análisis de la evolución y de las características de la mortalidad en la provincia de Tarragona durante todo el siglo XX. El objetivo de la investigación es doble, por una parte se describe la evolución de la mortalidad a través de la Transición Demográfica y Epidemiológica en la provincia y, por otra, se desarrollan algunas hipótesis que tratarán de explicar el proceso de la Transición Sanitaria a través de los factores determinantes. En contra del argumento monocausal (McKeown, 1976), los defensores de la actuación multicausal (Livi Bacci, 1987; entre otros) podrían ser los promotores de la Teoría de la Transición Sanitaria de Frenk en 1991. La multiplicidad de factores (culturales, educacionales, sociales, sanitarios…) y las variadas interacciones entre ellos, que protegen y resisten a la enfermedad, es lo que podría explicar la diversidad de niveles de causas de enfermedad y la muerte entre las diferentes áreas territoriales y su cronología. ---------- Palabras clave ---------- Demografía, mortalidad, Tarragona, transición epidemiológica, transición sanitaria, enfermedad, salud, esperanza de vida, administración pública

Banning Obsolete Weapons or Reshaping Perceptions of Military Utility: Discursive Dynamics in Weapons Prohibitions

The paper focuses on the argumentative process through which new international norms prohibiting the use of weapons causing severe civilian harm emerge. It examines the debate surrounding the use and usefulness of landmines and cluster munitions and traces the process through which NGOs change conceptions of military utility and effectiveness of certain weapons by highlighting their humanitarian problems and questioning their military value. By challenging military thinking on these issues, NGOs redefine the terms of the debate – from a commonplace practice, the use of such weapons becomes controversial and military decisions need to be justified. The argument-counterargument dynamic shifts the burden of proof of the necessity and safety of the weapons to the users. The process witnesses the ability of NGOs to influence debates on military issues despite their disadvantaged position in hard security issue areas. It also challenges realist assumptions that only weapons that are obsolete or low-cost force equalizers for weak actors can be banned. To the contrary, the paper shows that in the case of landmines and cluster munitions, defining the military (in)effectiveness of the weapons is part and parcel of the struggle for their prohibition.

Scepticism Revisited

Liberalism claims that for a subject S to be justified in believing p, a proposition about the external world, on the basis of his senses it is not necessary to be antecedently justified in believing propositions as there is an external world. On the other hand, conservatism claims that to be justified in believing that p on the basis of one’s perception, one must have antecedent justification to believe that p. Intuitively, we are inclined to think that liberalism about the structure of perceptual justification fits better with our epistemic practices. We acknowledge that, although we cannot produce warrant for the background belief in the external world, our empirical beliefs can be perceptually justified. However, I am interested in arguing that conservatism is theoretically better supported than liberalism. The first reason to defend this is based on the fact that in embracing liberalism dogmatism is affected by pervasive problems. The second one comes from recognizing the strength of the argument based on the thesis that experience is theory-laden. But not all are advantages for conservatism. Conservatism is presupposed in contemporary formulations of scepticism through the requirement of prior justification for background assumptions, and this fact compels anti-sceptical conservatives to conceive a non-evidential form of warrant, entitlement, to contest the sceptical threat My main worry is that, although the path of entitlement has some prospects to succeed, this new notion of justification seems to be posed ad hoc for conservatives to solve the sceptical problem. These contents are organized along the three chapters. The result of chapter 1 is a pattern of sceptical argument formed by two premises: P1*, a conservative principle, and P2*. In chapter 2 and chapter 3 two anti-sceptical proposals against the argument sketched in chapter 1 are described. Chapter 2 is devoted to explain and assess a first anti-sceptical proposal that denies P1*: dogmatism. Moreover, in chapter 3, another anti-sceptical strategy is described (the route of entitlement) that contests scepticism denying the plausibility of P2*.