Mixed Blessing? EP Oversight of the ESDP and the Constitutional Treaty

As commonly held, the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) suffers from a “double democratic deficit”: the EP has a marginal role in the ESDP-making process and the national parliaments remain unable to account for their own government. Therefore pressure coming from these two institutions had been exercised during the Convention on the Future of Europe to improve the democratic oversight on this rapidly evolving policy. This paper investigates the innovations included in the Constitutional Treaty, focusing specifically on the new role granted to the EP. It shows that even though this text does not substantially modify the inter-institutional balance of powers in the ESDP area, the EP may take advantage of some of its articles to become an actor in the ESDP-control process in the ‘living constitution.

Choosing how to choose: self-stable majority rules and constitutions

Constitutional arrangements affect the decisions made by a society. We study how this effect leads to preferences of citizens over constitutions; and ultimately how this has a feedback that determines which constitutions can survive in a given society. Constitutions are stylized here, to consist of a voting rule for ordinary business and possibly different voting rule for making changes to the constitution. We deffine an equilibrium notion for constitutions, called self-stability, whereby under the rules of a self-stable constitution, the society would not vote to change the constitution. We argue that only self-stable constitutions will endure. We prove that self-stable constitutions always exist, but that most constitutions (even very prominent ones) may not be self-stable for some societies. We show that constitutions where the voting rule used to amend the constitution is the same as the voting rule used for ordinary business are dangerously simplistic, and there are (many) societies for which no such constitution is self-stable rule. We conclude with a characterization of the set of self-stable constitutions that use majority rule for ordinary business.

The Social contract with endogenous sentiments

Moral values infuence individual behavior and social interactions. A specially signif- cant instance is the case of moral values concerning work e¤ort. Individuals determine what they take to be proper behaviour and judge the others, and themselves, accordingly. They increase their esteem -and self-esteem- for those who perform in excess of the standard and decrease their esteem for those who work less. These changes in self-esteem result from the self-regulatory emotions of guilt or pride extensively studied in Social Psychology. We examine the interactions between sentiments, individual behaviour and the social contract in a model of rational voting over redistribution where individual self-esteem and relative es-teem for others are endogenously determined. Individuals di¤er in their productivities. The desired extent of redistribution depends both on individual income and on individual attitudes toward others. We characterize the politico-economic equilibria in which sentiments, labor supply and redistribution are simultaneously determined. The model has two types of equilibria. In "cohesive" equilibria, all individuals conform to the standard of proper behav- iour, income inequality is low and social esteem is not biased toward any particular type. Under these conditions equilibrium redistribution increases in response to larger inequality. In a "clustered" equilibrium skilled workers work above the mean while unskilled workers work below. In such an equilibrium, income inequality is large and sentiments are biased in favor of the industrious. As inequality increases, this bias may eventually overtake the egoistic demand for greater taxation and equilibrium redistribution decreases. The type of equilibrium that emerges crucially depends on inequality. We contrast the predictions of the model with data on inequality, redistribution, work values and attitudes toward work and toward the poor for a set of OECD countries.

El control electrònic com a pena

El control electrònic s'ha aplicat a l'àmbit comparat, principalment, com a instrument de control de l'arrest domiciliari com a mesura cautelar i com a pena, i també en l'àmbit penitenciari junt a formes de compliment de la pena de presó en semillibertat. Des d'una justificació retribucionista de la pena es pot acceptar el control electrònic perquè té suficiència punitiva, pot aplicar-se de forma proporcional i no es degradant. D'altra banda, una justificació utilitarista de la pena accepta el control electrònic perquè redueix la delinqüència. Tot i que la seva aplicació a l'àmbit comparat no ha estat majoritàriament com a alternativa a la presó, es tracta d'un instrument que pot conferir credibilitat i potencial reduccionista a un sistema de penes alternatives. A l'ordenament espanyol pot considerar-se una mesura susceptible de ser aplicada dins el marc constitucional, malgrat afecti a determinats drets fonamentals. La seva previsió normativa com a pena i a l'àmbit penitenciari es molt escassa i presenta diversos problemes interpretatius. Quant a la seva aplicació a España, es reduïda a l'àmbit penitenciari i pràcticament inexistent com a pena. La credibilitat i potencial reduccionista que pot aportar el control electrònic a un sistema de penes alternatives permet defensar l'ampliació del seu ús al nostre ordenament en els supòsits ja previstos normativament i en d'altres de nous.

El Sistema de financiación de las comunidades autónomas de régimen común: un análisis crítico y algunas propuestas de reforma

We identify a number of elements of the current Spanish system of regional financing that do not conform satisfactorily to the principles of equity, autonomy and efficiency that should inspire its design. Our main conclusion is that although the system presents a series of shortcomings that would require an in-depth reform, its basic focus on the equalization of the service provision capacity of all regional governments should be preserved because it is in accordance with the constitutional guarantee of equal rights for all citizens and with notions of horizontal equity that are widely shared in our country. In fact, the main shortcoming of the system is, in our opinion, that it does not fully guarantee such equality in practice. Additional weaknesses of the system are its lack of transparency, the absence of mechanisms to maintain vertical equilibrium across the different levels of the administration and a significant deficit of fiscal autonomy and responsibility on the pa

Why the EU does not Have an Independent Competition Agency: French Interests and Transaction Costs in Early European Integration

A major achievement of new institutionalism in economics and political science is the formalisation of the idea that certain policies are more efficient when administered by a politically independent organisation. Based on this insight, several policy actors and scholars criticise the European Community for relying too much on a multi-task, collegial, and politicised organisation, the European Commission. This raises important questions, some constitutional (who should be able to change the corresponding procedural rules?) and some political-economic (is Europe truly committed to free and competitive markets?). Though acknowledging the relevance of legal and normative arguments, this paper contributes to the debate with a positive political-scientific perspective. Based on the view that institutional equilibria raise the question of equilibrium institutions, it shows that collegiality was (a) an equilibrium institution during the Paris negotiations of 1950-51; and (b) an institutional equilibrium for the following 50 years. The conclusion points to some recent changes in the way that European competition policy is implemented, and discusses how these affect the “constitutional” principle of collegial European governance.

Estudi de comportaments socials amb eixams de robots reconfigurables

Els eixams de robots distribuïts representen tot un món de possibilitats al camp de la microrobòtica, però existeixen pocs estudis que n'analitzin els comportaments socials i les interaccions entre robots autònoms distribuïts. Aquests comportaments han de permetre assolir de la manera més efectiva possible un bon resultat. Prenent com a base l'objectiu esmentat, aquest treball detalla diferents polítiques de cerca i de reconfiguració dels robots i estudia els seus comportaments per tal de determinar quins d'ells són més útils per solucionar un problema concret amb les plagues d'erugues i corcs als camps de cigroneres.

L'oficina judicial a Catalunya: mitjà real d'una justícia eficaç pel ciutadà del segle XXI

En aquest estudi es pretenia assolir la pràctica d'un sistema que només s'ha plantejat teòricament, doncs l'experiència acumulada, ja abans de la reforma orgànica de 2003, parteix de la figura dels serveis comuns, amb un criteri d'eficiència, racionalitat i economia per invertir en l'Administració de justícia catalana. Assumir i donar resposta jurídica concreta a tots els reptes tècnics pot fer-se des d'una perspectiva dogmàtica, tot i que el temps transcorregut també permet advertir exigències pràctiques a l'àmbit de la dogmàtica processal, el context socio-cultural i, naturalment, les necessitats laborals. En aquest sentit, els objectius s'introdueixen cap a la garantia d'un apropament material, conceptual i quotidià de l'Administració de justícia al ciutadà, establert com a eix inextricable del sistema, tenint present la de vegades despesa incomprensible en una realitat històricament menystinguda i deficitària, malgrat l'esforç pressupostari fet els darrers anys que, malgrat tot, no ha evitat discordances greus per manca de racionalitat i eficiència en el consum diari dels operadors implicats. Es pretén aconseguir, per mitjà del nou sistema d'oficina judicial estructurat, un avenç efectiu i econòmic a l'estat de la Justícia al país, especialment envers la dilació dels tràmits, a més de reclamar reformes legals, de caire processal especialment, que no es prestin a mers paràmetres d'ajust formal, sinó que incideix substantivament en millores per altre part reclamades fa temps per la doctrina científica. S'han aconseguit les fites definides des del punt de vista teòric, així com s'ha afrontat tots el problemes conceptuals i hipòtesis pràctiques més significatives, establint pautes de resposta sota la prèvia determinació de les qüestions debatudes i els conflictes habituals que correspon enfrontar. D'aquesta manera, s'ha estudiat la normativa en presència i la jurisprudència que hi dona actualitat pràctica, sense oblidar la doctrina d'autors. S'ha repassat el funcionament existent a l'oficina judicial i les previsions de la mateixa en un futur immediat, remarcant les noves tecnologies en ús i projectades, de igual manera que les bondats i crítiques de tots els operador jurídics actuants.

Indigenous people's mobilization and their struggle for rights in Colombia

This text aims at showing the history of indigenous peoples’ mobilization in Colombia, the effects that it has brought about on Colombian democracy and political system, and the state’s reactions to their claims and actions. It will show how they have moved from class-based claims to a politics where identity claims have been central in their agenda and part of their strategies to negotiate with the state. It will also show the existing constitutional and legal framework that recognizes the rights of indigenous peoples, despite the context of persecution, murder, and forced displacement.

Trajectòries de vida dels estrangers encarcerats

Aquest informe complementa l’estudi Estrangers a les presons catalanes i fa un aprofundiment qualitatiu d’aquell estudi. Recull les particularitats de cadascun dels casos seleccionats i profunditza en l’experiència migratòria de l’estranger, la seva situació familiar i social aquí i al seu país, la seva trajectòria delictiva, la seva experiència penitenciària i les expectatives cara el futur un cop surti de la presó. Totes aquestes aportacions es descriuen però també s’interpreten i es valoren per tal que ajudin a establir nous matisos a tenir en compte per valorar les necessitats d’intervenció amb la població estrangera als centres penitenciaris i les seves perspectives específiques d’inserció social. La principal conclusió d’aquesta part de l’estudi és la identificació dels dos elements clau que permeten definir unes perspectives de futur pessimistes, incertes o optimistes respecte les possibilitats dels estrangers encarcerats un cop surtin de presó. Aquests dos elements clau per pronosticar-ho són: 1) la distància que hi ha entre les expectatives de futur i les possibilitats reals d’assolir-les, i 2) la pròpia voluntat de la persona.

Hominització versus humanització : Cal un nou paradigma?

Treball de recerca amb uns objectius definits per a una possible anàlisi crítica dels estudis sobre hominització que, de manera emblemàtica, representa la figura d'Eudald Carbonell. Es considera més idoni per a jutjar el valor de la seva aportació pel fet de no centrar-se en el camp de la prehistòria, sinó el de la sociologia, la filosofia de la tecnologia i la filosofia de la història.

Avaluació i intervenció psicoeducativa en les relacions materno/paterno-filials en famílies desestructurades

Anàlisi, avaluació i intervenció psicoeducativa en un programa assistencial i de suport a les relacions materno/paternofilials en famílies desestructurades. Els usuaris són els pares i les mares separats o divorciats (i els seus fills menors) amb conflictes entre ells i on ha estat el jutge qui ha establert el règim de visites. Es dóna suport i orientació als progenitors i als menors que acudeixen al centre per a fer l'intercanvi o l'estada del menor amb el progenitor no custodi, per a facilitar i millorar la relació entre les parts (menors, part custòdia i part no-custòdia).

Revealing the dark side of traditional democracies in plurinational societies. The case of Catalonia and the Spanish “Estado de las Autonomías”

In this article, I firstly offer a synthesis of a brief set of analytical elements of the theory of democracy and federalism established in the recent debate which identify a number of flaws in the normative and institutional bases of plurinational democracies. It is necessary to overcome these flaws in order to achieve a true political and constitutional recognition and accommodation of the national pluralism of this kind of liberal democracies (section 1). Secondly, we will focus on the Spanish case of the “Estado de las Autonomías” taking into account the recent reform of the Catalan constitutional law (Estatut d’autonomia 2006) (section 2). A final section makes a number of concluding remarks relating the previously highlighted elements of the theory of democracy and federalism with the analysis of the Catalan case (section 3).

Recognition and political accommodation: from regionalism to secessionism. The Catalan case

Having lived through a bloody civil war in the 1930s followed by four decades of General Franco’s dictatorship, the Spanish state carried out a transition to a democratic system at the end of the 1970s. The 1978 Constitution was the legal outcome of this transition process. Among other things, it established a territorial model – the so-called “Estado de las Autonomías” (State of Autonomous Communities) – which was designed to satisfy the historical demands for recognition and self-government of, above all, the citizens and institutions of Catalonia and the Basque Country .In recent years support for independence has increased in Catalonia. Different indicators show that pro-independence demands are endorsed by a majority of its citizens, as well as by most of the political parties and organizations that represent its civil society. This is a new phenomenon. Those in favour of independence had been in the minority throughout the 20th century. Nowadays, however, demands of a pro-autonomy and pro-federalist nature, which until recently had been dominant, have gradually lost public support in favour of demands for self-determination and secession. This paper analyses the massive increase in support for secession in Catalonia during the early years of the 21st century. After describing the different theories of secession in plurinational liberal democracies (section 1), we analyse Catalonia’s political evolution over the past decade focusing on the shortcomings with regard to constitutional recognition and accommodation displayed by the Spanish political system. The latter have been exacerbated by the reform process of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy (2006) and the subsequent judgement of Spain’s Constitutional Court regarding the aforementioned Statute (2010) (section 2). Finally, we present our conclusions by linking the Catalan case with theories of secession applied to plurinational contexts

Federalism and democracy. The case of minority nations: a federalist deficit

In this chapter, after pointing out the different logics that lie behind the familiar ideas of democracy and federalism, I have dealt with the case of plurinational federal democracies. Having put forward a double criterion of an empirical nature with which to differentiate between the existence of minority nations within plurinational democracies (section 2), I suggest three theoretical criteria for the political accommodation of these democracies. In the following section, I show the agonistic nature of the normative discussion of the political accommodation of this kind of democracies, which bring monist and pluralist versions of the demos of the polity into conflict (section 3.1), as well as a number of conclusions which are the result of a comparative study of 19 federal and regional democracies using four analytical axes: the uninational/plurinational axis; the unitarianism-federalism axis; the centralisation-decentralisation axis; and the symmetry-asymmetry axis (section 3.2). This analysis reveals shortcomings in the constitutional recognition of national pluralism in federal and regional cases with a large number of federated units/regions with political autonomy; a lower degree of constitutional federalism and a greater asymmetry in the federated entities or regions of plurinational democracies. It also reveals difficulties to establish clear formulas in these democracies in order to encourage a “federalism of trust” based on the participation and protection of national minorities in the shared government of plurinational federations/regional states. Actually, there is a federal deficit in this kind polities according to normative liberal-democratic patterns and to what comparative analysis show. Finally, this chapter advocates the need for a greater normative and institutional refinement in plurinational federal democracies. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to introduce a deeper form of “ethical” pluralism -which displays normative agonistic trends, as well as a more “confederal/asymmetrical” perspective, congruent with the national pluralism of these kind of polities.