18 resultados para Australia, acculturation, social identity, Taiwanese, Chinese, migrants
em Consorci de Serveis Universitaris de Catalunya (CSUC), Spain
Resumo:
From an interdisciplinary perspective, the present investigation undertaken by the GREILI-UPF research group has expanded a previous study aiming at explaining how young secondary school students of Latin American and Chinese origin in Catalonia construct their linguistic and cultural identity. Here we analyze the relationship between these youngsters and their social environment in order to determine how these relationships and the socialization process that derives from them influence language attitudes and practices. We focus on two spaces of socialization: (1) the school, where youngsters from diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds coexist and interact, and (2) the neighborhood, a geographic and symbolic space where social identity is constructed and, consequently, where young newcomers construct their perceptions regarding the host society, including its linguistic reality. We have collected several sets of data in three public secondary schools and three neighborhoods from Barcelona’s metropolitan area with a high index of immigrant population: (1) interviews with secondary school students, (2) interviews with teachers, (3) social discourses in newspapers that consolidate the social image of the neighborhood, (4) narratives from immigrant families in relation to their neighborhood, (5) participant observation in schools, and (5) observation in the neighborhood. The results of the thematic and, when appropriate, discursive analysis of the data allow us to reach conclusions regarding: (a) the social image of the neighborhoods, (b) the socialization of young newcomers in the schools and the neighborhoods, (c) the identity games, and (d) the language and cultural practices and attitudes of young people, in relation to their countries and languages of origin as well as the school and the neighborhood investigated.
Resumo:
El proyecto, desarrollado bajo los auspicios del grupo Cos i Textualitat, aborda las relaciones entre las categorías de sujeto poético y sujeto epistolar, en la literatura romántica escrita por mujeres, que abarca corpus textuales del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX. Haciendo uso de las herramientas del comparatismo, de la teoría de la literatura y de los estudios de género y sexualidad, el proyecto en una primera instancia se detuvo a estudiar la obra de aquellas escritoras (en el ámbito de la literatura norteamericana, española e hispanomericana) que desarrollaron e impulsaron el subgénero de la cartapoema, y cómo dicho subgénero les permitía velar su espacio íntimo, enmascarar su identidad literaria y social, al tiempo que obtenían legitimación social en esta estrategia de escritura. De este modo, el proyecto insiste en las estrategias de lectura de este tipo de textos, marginados por la crítica literaria, y de un tratamiento clasificatorio ciertamente ambiguo, y al mismo tiempo contaminado por la lectura autobiográfica de los textos. Cabe destacar que el punto de partida de este proceso de investigación fue la obra de la escritora norteamericana Emily Dickinson (1830-1886), pero se extendió con posterioridad desde autoras del romanticismo hispanoamericano, incluso hasta llegar a autoras españolas que escapan al movimiento romántico, bien entrado ya el siglo XX.
Resumo:
Resultats d’una enquesta de victimització a migrants, elaborada en el si del Grup de recerca “Sistema de justícia penal”, amb el finançament de l’Institut de Seguretat de Catalunya. La recerca projectada parteix de la constatació de l’escàs coneixement existent sobre la victimització de la població migrant. Aquesta no és una singularitat del nostre país, sinó que és una deficiència universal, que té molt a veure amb la posició social de les persones migrants i amb les característiques de les fonts de coneixement de la delinqüència, tant les de caràcter oficial com les no oficials. Ja Christie (1986) havia advertit que la delinqüència soportada per la població migrant estava infrarepresentada a les enquestes de victimització, fet que explicava per la tendència d’aquests instruments de recerca a centrar-se en la “víctima ideal”. Sigui o no certa l’afirmació, pot constatar-se fàcilment com la forma en que normalment es duen a terme les enquestes permet pressuposar que no arriben a les persones migrants de la mateixa manera que a la població general. Un fet no menyspreable és que les persones pertanyents a aquests col-lectius socials minoritaris disposen en menor mesura de telèfon fix al seu domicili. A banda, s’ha de comptar amb els obstacles que poden dificultar l’accés dels entrevistadors o la confiança en aquests, i que les enquestes de victimització no acostumen a estratificar la mostra incloent entre els grups de població prefixats en la mostra convidada la nacionalitat de les persones entrevistades. Les enquestes de victimització realitzades a Catalunya i, en general, a Espanya, no han estat una excepció en aquests punts i per tant és pertinent dubtar si reflecteixen de manera adequada la victimització que pateixen aquests col-lectius.
Resumo:
This article studies alterations in the values, attitudes, and behaviors that emerged among U.S. citizens as a consequence of, and as a response to, the attacks of September 11, 2001. The study briefly examines the immediate reaction to the attack, before focusing on the collective reactions that characterized the behavior of the majority of the population between the events of 9/11 and the response to it in the form of intervention in Afghanistan. In studying this period an eight-phase sequential model (Botcharova, 2001) is used, where the initial phases center on the nation as the ingroup and the latter focus on the enemy who carried out the attack as the outgroup. The study is conducted from a psychosocial perspective and uses "social identity theory" (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) as the basic framework for interpreting and accounting for the collective reactions recorded. The main purpose of this paper is to show that the interpretation of these collective reactions is consistent with the postulates of social identity theory. The application of this theory provides a different and specific analysis of events. The study is based on data obtained from a variety of rigorous academic studies and opinion polls conducted in relation to the events of 9/11. In line with social identity theory, 9/11 had a marked impact on the importance attached by the majority of U.S. citizens to their identity as members of a nation. This in turn accentuated group differentiation and activated ingroup favoritism and outgroup discrimination (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986). Ingroup favoritism strengthened group cohesion, feelings of solidarity, and identification with the most emblematic values of the U.S. nation, while outgroup discrimination induced U.S. citizens to conceive the enemy (al-Qaeda and its protectors) as the incarnation of evil, depersonalizing the group and venting their anger on it, and to give their backing to a military response, the eventual intervention in Afghanistan. Finally, and also in line with the postulates of social identity theory, as an alternative to the virtual bipolarization of the conflict (U.S. vs al-Qaeda), the activation of a higher level of identity in the ingroup is proposed, a group that includes the United States and the largest possible number of countries¿ including Islamic states¿in the search for a common, more legitimate and effective solution.
Resumo:
This article studies alterations in the values, attitudes, and behaviors that emerged among U.S. citizens as a consequence of, and as a response to, the attacks of September 11, 2001. The study briefly examines the immediate reaction to the attack, before focusing on the collective reactions that characterized the behavior of the majority of the population between the events of 9/11 and the response to it in the form of intervention in Afghanistan. In studying this period an eight-phase sequential model (Botcharova, 2001) is used, where the initial phases center on the nation as the ingroup and the latter focus on the enemy who carried out the attack as the outgroup. The study is conducted from a psychosocial perspective and uses "social identity theory" (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) as the basic framework for interpreting and accounting for the collective reactions recorded. The main purpose of this paper is to show that the interpretation of these collective reactions is consistent with the postulates of social identity theory. The application of this theory provides a different and specific analysis of events. The study is based on data obtained from a variety of rigorous academic studies and opinion polls conducted in relation to the events of 9/11. In line with social identity theory, 9/11 had a marked impact on the importance attached by the majority of U.S. citizens to their identity as members of a nation. This in turn accentuated group differentiation and activated ingroup favoritism and outgroup discrimination (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986). Ingroup favoritism strengthened group cohesion, feelings of solidarity, and identification with the most emblematic values of the U.S. nation, while outgroup discrimination induced U.S. citizens to conceive the enemy (al-Qaeda and its protectors) as the incarnation of evil, depersonalizing the group and venting their anger on it, and to give their backing to a military response, the eventual intervention in Afghanistan. Finally, and also in line with the postulates of social identity theory, as an alternative to the virtual bipolarization of the conflict (U.S. vs al-Qaeda), the activation of a higher level of identity in the ingroup is proposed, a group that includes the United States and the largest possible number of countries¿ including Islamic states¿in the search for a common, more legitimate and effective solution.
Resumo:
Under what conditions will a bystander intervene to try to stop a violent attack by one person on another? It is generally believed that the greater the size of the crowd of bystanders, the less the chance that any of them will intervene. A complementary model is that social identity is critical as an explanatory variable. For example, when the bystander shares common social identity with the victim the probability of intervention is enhanced, other things being equal. However, it is generally not possible to study such hypotheses experimentally for practical and ethical reasons. Here we show that an experiment that depicts a violent incident at life-size in immersive virtual reality lends support to the social identity explanation. 40 male supporters of Arsenal Football Club in England were recruited for a two-factor between-groups experiment: the victim was either an Arsenal supporter or not (in-group/out-group), and looked towards the participant for help or not during the confrontation. The response variables were the numbers of verbal and physical interventions by the participant during the violent argument. The number of physical interventions had a significantly greater mean in the ingroup condition compared to the out-group. The more that participants perceived that the Victim was looking to them for help the greater the number of interventions in the in-group but not in the out-group. These results are supported by standard statistical analysis of variance, with more detailed findings obtained by a symbolic regression procedure based on genetic programming. Verbal interventions made during their experience, and analysis of post-experiment interview data suggest that in-group members were more prone to confrontational intervention compared to the out-group who were more prone to make statements to try to diffuse the situation.
Resumo:
L’estudi examina les relacions entre (1) les xarxes socials personals de la població immigrant resident a Barcelona i (2) les seves identitats culturals múltiples. L’objectiu principal de l’estudi és entendre com el contingut i l’estructura de les relacions socials dels immigrants facilita o dificulta (1) tenir un sentiment de pertinença a les noves cultures d’acollida, la catalana i la espanyola, i (2) la integració d’aquestes noves identitats socioculturals amb la seva identitat d’origen en una nova identitat bicultural cohesiva. El nostre plantejament inicial era que els immigrants amb xarxes socials més diverses des del punt de vista de la seva composició cultural tindrien més recursos socials i experiències cognitives més diverses , factors que afavoreixen les identificacions múltiples i la participació cívica. Els resultats de l’estudi mostren que el grau d’identificació dels participants amb la seva cultura ètnica o d’origen és força alt i, en certa mesura, més alt en comparació amb les cultures d’acollida ( catalana, cívica i espanyola). Tanmateix, el vincle dels participants amb les cultures d’acollida (p. ex., la cultura catalana) és prou rellevant per a indicar una orientació bicultural (catalana i ètnica). Les anàlisis de correlacions revelen que sentir-se català no impedeix sentir-se part de la comunitat etnocultural d’origen. A més, existeix una interrelació entre l'orientació cultural catalana i la identificació amb les comunitats cíviques locals. De la mateixa manera, tenir competències en llengua catalana no va en detriment de les competències en llengua castellana. Les anàlisis també mostren que factors com l’orientació cultural catalana, l’ús del català i la identificació amb la cultura catalana tenen una correlació positiva amb el grau de chohesio de la indentitat bicultural, afavoreixen el benestar psicològic i disminueixen l’estrès aculturatiu. L’anàlisi de les xarxes socials mostra que la identificació amb la cultura catalana, l’orientació cultural catalana i la integració de la identitat són factors clau per tenir xarxes socials més diverses des del punt de vista ètnic i lingüístic, amb menys membres del col•lectiu d’origen, i amb subgrups o “cliques” culturalment més heterogenis. La identificació espanyola també prediu, en mesura més reduïda, la diversitat de les xarxes. Els nostres resultats contribueixen a la recerca actual i les teories sobre interculturalitat i identitat cultural.
Resumo:
With each passing election, U.S. political campaigns have renewed their efforts in courting the “Latino vote,” yet the Latino population is not a culturally homogenous voting bloc. This study examined how cultural identifications and acculturation attitudes in U.S. born Mexican Americans interacted with socioeconomic status (SES) to predict political orientation. Individuals who held stronger Mexican identity and supported biculturalism as an acculturation strategy had a more liberal orientation, while belonging to a higher SES group and holding stronger assimilation attitudes predicted a less liberal orientation. Mexican cultural identification interacted with SES such that those who held a weaker Mexican identity, but came from a higher social class were less liberal and more moderate in their political orientation. Weak Mexican identification and higher SES also predicted weaker endorsement of bicultural acculturation attitudes, which in turn, mediated the differences in political orientation. The acceptance of one’s ethnic identity and endorsement of bicultural attitudes predicted a more liberal political orientation. In light of these findings, political candidates should be cautious in how they pander to Latino constituents—referencing the groups’ ethnic culture or customs may distance constituents who are not strongly identified with their ethnic culture.
Resumo:
This paper lays down some theoretical framework for further research to be made on the subject of how identity of young Slovenian and Catalan users is forming within the social networking website Facebook. The author pursues his interest based on observation of how communicationand thus interaction between users is changing and how this is reflected in everyday practices. In so doing he tries to identify the connections between the individual, society and technology, asthese are more and more interwoven, and we cannot think one without the other in thecontemporary globalised world.
Resumo:
Destruction of historical urban fabric in many Chinese cities and towns, without the possibility of its recovery as an urban asset, leads us to consider alternative strategies and criteria for formulating new urban projects, using creative urban planning instruments and strategies to provide a sense of place and identity to the urban landscape. The challenge is to set up an urban structure that constitutes a spatial reference system, a structure consisting of a set of urban landmarks that construct a system of related public spaces, endowed with collective significance and identity. Such a network could include a wide variety of urban typologies and natural elements. An important result of this strategy would be the recovery of the social and cultural values attached to the natural landscape in Chinese civilization. Hangzhou city will be analyzed as a case study
Resumo:
The scholarship on migration in Europe heavily focuses on the integration of economically vulnerable migrants. In the age of commercialization of education, however, the European Union attracts a rising number of highly skilled non-EU migrants that take up studies across the continent. Despite economic downturn, the EU universities experience a rapid growth in the number of Chinese students, many of whom settle in Europe upon graduation. Surprisingly, although the number of Chinese students in the EU increases, scholars largely ignore the labor paths that these highly skilled migrants take upon graduating from European universities. This study aims to fill this gap by exploring the variation in the Chinese graduates’ labor incorporation patterns and in their spatial mobility. In this project, I also examine macro-level hypotheses predicting that the EU and host states’ labor market institutions, changes in the EU policies on the highly skilled and the outburst of economic crisis matter for the Chinese highly skilled social and spatial mobility. Seizing on surveys, interviews and on the bodies of literature on stratification and social mobility, economic incorporation, social capital and human capital, I look at the Chinese students that graduated from universities in Great Britain and Spain. These states differ in the university tuition fees, migration policies towards the highly skilled workers and in the period of the Chinese students’ influx, thus providing an economically and socially diverse sample. My research will contribute to the literature on the relations between migrants’ social mobility, class and status background and spatial mobility, at the same time adding a transnational level perspective to the study of highly skilled Asian migration.
Resumo:
This document, originally published as part of the book The Keys of success: the social, sporting, economic and communications impact of Barcelona’92, comes from a larger study that looked at all aspects of television in the Olympics and can be found in its original version, in Miquel de Moragas Spà, Nancy K. Rivenburgh and James F. Larson (1996). Television in the Olympics. London: John Libbey.
Resumo:
The idea of Chineseness as a geographic, cultural-specific and ethnically-charged concept, and the pivotal role assumed by memory linger throughout the writings of most authors hailing from Chinese community in Southeast Asia. Among these communities, being the Malaysian Chinese the more prolific in terms of number of writers and pieces of literature produced, this paper deals specifically with it. Its focus is put on the literature produced by Malaysian Chinese authors residing in Taiwan, which topic constitutes an important part of the first chapter, and on one of its main representatives, Ng Kim Chew, to whom chapter two and three are fully dedicated. A literary analysis of one of his short stories, Huo yu tu, will allow the reader to have a first-hand experience, through excerpts from the original text, of the importance of Chineseness and memory in the literary production of Ng and of many authors sharing with him similar life and literary experiences. I started this research from the assumption that these authors make large use of their own memories and memories from their own community in their writing as a way to re-tie themselves to the Chineseness they left in their places of origin. However in the case of Ng Kim Chew, the analysis of his works led be to theorizing that the identity he is imbued with, if there is one, is not Chinese, nor Malaysian, but purely and distinctively Malaysian-Chinese. This paper can also serve as an introduction for the general public to the field of Sinophone literature from Southeast Asia and to promote wider and innovative paths of research within the realm of Chinese studies that go beyond China proper.
Resumo:
The 3x1 Program for Migrants is a matching grant scheme that seeks to direct the money sent by migrant organizations abroad to the provision of public and social infrastructure, and to productive projects in migrants’ communities of origin. To do so, the municipal, state, and federal administrations match the amount sent by hometown associations by 3 to 1. This opens the door to the political manipulation of the program. We explore the impact of a particular facet of Mexican political life on the operation of the 3x1: its recent democratization and the increasing political competition at the municipal level. Relying on the literature on redistributive politics, we posit that an increasing number of effective parties in elections may have two different effects. On the one hand, the need to cater to more heterogeneous constituencies may increase the provision of public projects. On the other hand, since smaller coalitions are needed to win elections under tighter competition, fewer public and more private (clientelistic) projects could be awarded. Using a unique dataset on the 3x1 Program for Migrants for over 2,400 municipalities in the period 2002 through 2007, we find a lower provision of public goods in electorally competitive jurisdictions. Thus, we remain sceptical about the program success in promoting public goods in politically competitive locations with high migration levels.
Resumo:
El text que es mostra a continuació resumeix el treball realitzat en la primera fase de recerca del projecte titulat provisionalment "Del teatre líric a la cançó popular: construcció social a partir de la música en València (1900-1959)". Aquest treball ha tingut una durada de set mesos entre febrer i agost de 2009. El projecte pretén dibuixar les línies que uneixen teatre líric i cançó popular fent especial èmfasi en els mecanismes de creació d'identitat de gènere, que va envoltar tot aquest procés. Per aquests motius, la recerca está construïda sobre dos eixos: entrevistes amb les fonts orals i buidatge dels principals fons bibliogrífics per a l'estudi de les fonts primàries i secundàries del primer període analitzat (1931-1959), focalitzat en els pobles que envolten la ciutat de València. Les conclusions apunten cap a una clara vinculació entre teatre líric i cançó popular, així com la utilització dels esdeveniments musicals amb finalitats conformadores de rols socials per part de les institucions sociopolítiques. Les diferències entre fonts primàries i fonts orals assenyalen una naturalització de la desigualtat de gènere a través de la música que han arribat fins als nostres dies, per la qual cosa és necessari l'estudi i anàlisi de la memòria musical.