Lessons of peace in Aceh: administrative decentralization and political freedom as a strategy of pacification in Aceh

This working paper shows the evolution of the Aceh conflict until its peaceful resolution in 2005. The key factors in the success of this peace process have been the confluence of several factors related to the internal and external dynamics of the country, including the new political leadership, the decreasing role of the military power, the international support and the meeting of the objectives of both groups, and so on. The end of the conflict in Aceh shows that the administrative decentralization and the promotion of the political participation of the main actors involved have made possible the development of a solid alternative to the arms strategy of conflict resolution used for years in Indonesia.

The participation of women in peace processes: the other tables

This paper argues that women’s absence in peace processes cannot be explained by their alleged lack of experience in dialogue and negotiation, but by a serious lack of will to include them in such important initiatives of change. Women have wide ranging experience in dialogue processes including many war and post-war contexts, but there has been a deliberate lack of effort to integrate them in formal peace processes. After introducing the research framework, the paper addresses women’s involvement in peace, and analyzes the role played by women in peace processes, through the cases of Sri Lanka and Northern Ireland. The paper concludes that peace processes are as gendered as wars, and for that reason gender has to be a guiding line for including women in peace processes.

La participación de las mujeres en los procesos de paz: las otras mesas

Este texto sostiene que la ausencia de las mujeres en los procesos de paz no puede ser justificada aludiendo a su supuesta falta de experiencia en el diálogo y la negociación, sino que obedece a la falta de voluntad para incluirlas en ellos. Las mujeres tienen una amplia experiencia en procesos de diálogo. Han sido capaces de liderar experiencias de diálogo en muchos contextos de conflicto armado, así como posbélicos, pero ha habido una falta de esfuerzos deliberada para integrarlas en los procesos de paz formales. Tras exponer el marco de la investigación, el texto aborda la implicación de las mujeres en la construcción de paz y analiza el papel jugado por las mujeres en los procesos de paz, tomando los casos de Sri Lanka e Irlanda del Norte. El texto concluye afirmando que, como los procesos de paz están tan imbuidos por el género como los conflictos armados, las mujeres deben ser incluidas en ellos y la perspectiva de género debe guiarlos.

Territorial autonomy and self-determination conflicts: opportunity and willingness cases from Bolivia, Niger, and Thailand

The paradox of autonomy is about whether self-rule accommodates or exacerbates armed conflict. This study attempts to unpack the puzzle examining the effectiveness of territorial autonomy as a state response to self-determination conflicts throughout the world. It challenges the conflict-inducing features of autonomy arguing that territorial autonomy can mitigate armed conflict by channeling group grievances into peaceful forms of protest. Thus, this study aims at arriving at a comprehensive theory that identifies which factors are responsible for violent escalation of conflicts grounded in self-determination demands. By using the concepts of opportunity structures and willingness dimension, this study shows that conflict escalation only takes place when minorities with greater bargaining power vis-à-vis the center, in contexts of high levels of economic inequality within dyad, are mobilized around autonomy and separatist demands.

Autonomia territorial i conflictes d'autodeterminació: oportunitats i voluntat casos de Bolívia, Níger i Tailàndia

La paradoxa de l’autonomia tracta sobre si l’autogovern atenua o exacerba el conflicte armat. Aquest estudi prova de desmuntar aquest trencaclosques examinant l’efectivitat de l’autonomia territorial com a resposta estatal als conflictes d’autodeterminació de tot el món. També posa en dubte que l’autonomia sigui un factor instigador del conflicte argumentant que l’autonomia territorial pot mitigar el conflicte armat canalitzant els greuges grupals cap a formes de protesta pacífiques. D’aquesta manera, l’estudi vol arribar a una teoria integral que identifiqui els factors responsables de l’escalada de violència en els conflictes sorgits de reivindicacions d’autodeterminació. Fent servir els conceptes d’”estructures d’oportunitat” i “dimensió de voluntat”, aquest estudi mostra que l’escalada dels conflictes només es produeix quan es mobilitzen minories amb un alt poder negociador respecte del centre, en contexts de grans nivells de desigualtat econòmica al si de la díada, al voltant de reivindicacions d’autonomia i separatistes.

Corte Interamericana Crímenes contra la Humanidad y Construcción de la Paz

En el presente trabajo se efectúa un estudio genérico de las sentencias de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (CIDH) donde se ha reconocido la preexistencia consuetudinaria y el carácter imprescriptible, inamnistiable e inindultable de los crímenes contra la humanidad, resaltando las consecuentes restricciones y oportunidades que ofrecen dichos fallos a estados como Argentina, Chile, Uruguay y Perú que se hallan en procesos de transición postconflictiva y donde se ha negociado la paz con determinados grupos y estructuras estatales responsables de la comisión de crímenes contra la humanidad. Para ello se resalta el impacto del reconocimiento de la naturaleza misma de los crímenes contra la humanidad sobre la noción del principio de legalidad stricto sensu, sobre el desarrollo y evolución dogmática y práctica del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos, en lo que al ámbito interamericano respecta, y finalmente, sobre los mencionados procesos de justicia transicional.

Inter-American Court, Crimes Against Humanity and Peacebuilding in South America

The present work contains a general overview of the sentences of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR), which have recognised that crimes against humanity are pre-existing in customary law, and do not prescribe, nor can they be subject to amnesty or pardon. Specific attention is paid to the consequent restrictions and opportunities offered by said verdicts to countries such as Argentina, Chile, Uruguay and Peru, which find themselves in postconflict transition processes and where peace has been negotiated with certain groups and state structures that are responsible for carrying out crimes against humanity. In doing so, special attention is paid to the impact of the recognition of the nature of crimes against humanity on the notion of the principle of legality, stricto sensu; on the development and evolution of the doctrine and the practice of international human rights law in the inter-American context; and finally on the aforementioned processes of transitional justice.

The Peace Processes in the Basque Country and Northern Ireland (1994-2006): a Comparative Approach

The peace process in Northern Ireland demonstrates that new sovereignty formulas need to be explored in order to meet the demands of the populations and territories in conflict. The profound transformation of the classic symbolic elements of the nation-state within the context of the European Union has greatly contributed to the prospects for a resolution of this old conflict. Today’s discussions are focused on the search for instruments of shared sovereignty that are adapted to a complex and plural social reality. This new approach for finding a solution to the Irish conflict is particularly relevant to the Basque debate about formulating creative and modern solutions to similar conflicts over identity and sovereignty. The notion of shared sovereignty implemented in Northern Ireland –a formula for complex interdependent relations– is of significant relevance to the broader international community and is likely to become an increasingly potent and transcendent model for conflict resolution and peace building.

Living in the Wrong Neighbourhood: State Failure and its Implications for Neighbouring Countries

Why and how do failed states affect neighbouring countries? The attention of the international community towards state failure has grown significantly in recent years, improving the understanding of this phenomenon; nevertheless, the knowledge about the influence of state failure on neighbouring countries remain scarce. This research aims at contributing to filling up the existing gap by analyzing two different cases of state failure –Liberia and Afghanistan– and its consequences on four of their neighbours –Sierra Leone, Guinea, Pakistan and Tajikistan. More concretely, this research investigates the importance of insurgency movements in the relationship between these countries. The research argues that failed states generate conflict-enhancing mechanisms –which might lead to conflict outbreak– in their neighbours through the creation of informal networks. The empiric evidence shows how insurgency-based informal networks have a decisive role in the outbreak of conflict.

Viure en un mal veïnat: La fallida de l'Estat i les seves implicacions per a estats veïns. Els casos de Libèria i l'Afganistan

Per què i de quina manera afecten els estats fallits als seus països veïns? L’atenció dedicada als estats fallits per la comunitat internacional s’ha incrementat significativament en els darrers anys i ha millorat la nostra comprensió del fenomen; tanmateix, encara sabem molt poc sobre la influència de la fallida dels estats en els seus estats veïns. Aquesta recerca té l’objectiu de contribuir a cobrir aquest buit mitjançant l’anàlisi de dos casos diferents de fallida estatal –Libèria i l’Afganistan– i de les seves conseqüències en quatre dels seus veïns –Sierra Leone, Guinea, el Pakistan i el Tadjikistan. Més concretament, aquesta recerca investiga la importància dels moviments d’insurgència en la relació entre aquests països. Aquest treball sosté que els estats fallits creen mecanismes generadors de conflicte, que podrien causar-ne un esclat, als estats veïns per la creació de xarxes informals. Les dades empíriques mostren de quina manera les xarxes informals basades en la insurgència tenen un paper decisiu en l’esclat del conflicte.

The Evolution of the Climate Change Regime: Beyond a North-South Divide?

This research primarily analyses relevant climate bargaining dynamics that have been informed by a North-South impasse. This working paper argues that the first stage of negotiations for a climate convention indeed witnessed a North-South divide which became institutionalized in the Framework Convention on Climate Change. However, in subsequent negotiation rounds the key loci of bargaining struggles was centered between developed countries, in which relevant North-South cooperation dynamics were also present. Finally, this paper assesses the unfinished post-Kyoto bargaining process in which two trends are already being observed: both the emergence of a new geopolitics between the United States and major developing countries, and a fragmentation process within the South, in which the Copenhagen Accord itself has begun to institutionalize such fragmentation.

La OEA y la promoción de la democracia en las Américas: un objetivo en construcción

Este artículo defiende que, desde el final de la guerra fría, la democracia se ha convertido en uno de los objetivos esenciales del proyecto de integración hemisférica de las Américas. Sin embargo, este objetivo aún está en construcción en lo referente a la acción. Esta idea principal se demostrará a través de otras dos secundarias: por una parte, definiremos el complejo normativo a favor de la democracia albergado en la OEA, a través del estudio de sus normas e instituciones; y por otra, analizaremos dos intervenciones de la OEA en situaciones de crisis democráticas: la intervención durante la desestabilización democrática de Venezuela (2002-2004) y la intervención durante la crisis política de Honduras (junio 2009-enero 2010). Gracias al desarrollo de estos dos argumentos, estaremos en condiciones de examinar la puesta en práctica de los objetivos en materia democrática de la OEA y de determinar su grado de cumplimiento a escala nacional.

The Barcelona Forum: on decentralized governance and conflict prevention 6-8 july 2009

The Barcelona Forum aimed to generate both a theoretical and practical discussion on decentralized governance and its capacity to promote peace, prevent conflict, advance human security and ensure greater governmental accountability. The Forum intended to review the theoretical strength of decentralization as a political tool and discuss how it can be properly implemented. Eight case studies were selected to be covered during the two days in order to draw conclusions and offer proposals for the future implementation of decentralization. The case of Catalonia and the decentralized experience of Spain was given special attention, as an example of successful decentralization. The other cases presented achievements and challenges and prompted discussions on both the validity and universality of decentralization as a way to promote and preserve peace. Topics such as ethnic and territorial divisions, democratic accountability, financial decentralization and distribution, resource sharing, and external implementation of decentralization through peace processes were discussed.

Midiendo la paz. Iniciativas, limitaciones y propuestas. Relatoría del seminario Barcelona, Marzo 2010

Esta relatoría corresponde al seminario internacional "Mesuring Peace. Initiatives, Limitations and Proposals" organizado por el Institut Català Internacional per la Pau, y que tuvo lugar en Barcelona durante los días 4-5 de marzo de 2010. El Índice de Desarrollo Humano es el más visible de los esfuerzos de los últimos años para tratar de mejorar las herramientas estadísticas, de tal manera que ofrezcan resultados más próximos a las realidades sociales. En el ámbito de la paz los intentos por crear nuevos mecanismos de medición no han logrado avanzar más allá de la concepción negativa de la paz, es decir, tan solo se ha llevado a cabo considerándola como ausencia de conflictos violentos. En este contexto el seminario organizado por el ICIP trataba de recoger las aportaciones de diferentes centros de investigación que en los últimos años se han centrado en conceptualizar la paz positiva y las formas en que ésta podría medirse.

Measuring peace. Initiatives, limitations and proposals. Seminar proceedings Barcelona, March 2010

These proceedings correspond to the international seminar “Measuring Peace. Initiatives, Limitations and Proposals” organized by the International Catalan Institute for Peace, which took place in Barcelona on the 4th and the 5th of March 2010. The Human Development Index is the most visible attempt over the last years to improve the statistical tools so that they offer results which are closer to social realities. In the field of Peace the attempts to create new measuring mechanisms have not been able to move beyond the negative conception of peace, which means that it has just been considered as an absence of violent conflicts. In this context, the international seminar organized by the ICIP was an attempt to compile recent contributions of different investigation centres which have focused in conceptualizing positive peace and new ways to measure it.