Franklin D. Roosevelt i Frank Capra: missatges per a un país en crisi

En el context de la crisi econòmica i social que vivien els Estats Units a començament dels anys trenta, diversos actors polítics i socials van elaborar missatges que provaven d’acarar els ciutadans amb la realitat, però sobretot de restituir-los la confiança en ells mateixos i en el país. Aquest article analitza els discursos i les aportacions ideològiques de dues de les personalitats més destacades que participaren en aquest procés de reconstrucció emocional: el president Franklin D. Roosevelt i el cineasta Frank Capra. El text cerca d’establir les connexions entre aquests dos discursos, descobrir-ne les coincidències i, també, les diferències, i plantejar una aproximació al cinema com un mitjà de comunicació que va més enllà del simple entreteniment, per a convertir-se, en diverses ocasions, en un eficaç document amb el qual apropar-se a una època, desxifrar-ne els aspectes més significatius

Social media and political change: The case of the 2011 revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt

Throughout the past decade, social media have come on the scene of various popular revolts. Their role as tools of information and coordination of social movements, from the Iranian Green Movement in 2009 to the Arab uprisings in 2011, has been widely debated. In most cases, online activism through blogs, Facebook, Twitter or other forms of social media has allowed citizens to be part of a social networking exercise and to engage in a public sphere that would have otherwise been unreachable to them due to severe repression. In Tunisia and Egypt, social media helped protests start and expand thanks to their ability to coordinate and disseminate information quickly. The new information and communication tools were an influential factor in accelerating the revolutionary processes across the Arab world, albeit they cannot be seen as neither the spur nor the drivers of any revolution.

Political Humor as a confrontational tool against the Syrian regime: A study case: Syria, 15th March 2011 – 15th May 2012

The aim of this working paper is to analyze the inclusion of political humor into the set of actions used by opponents to the Syrian regime during the first year of a state-wide uprising in 2011. The research argues that although political humor has traditionally been seen mainly as a concealed voice against dominant elites, it can nevertheless take a confrontational stance and challenge a regime. In this paper we assess the role of political humor in challenging the legitimacy of the Syrian State through the battle for the signification of events. We will work with a theoretical framework that draws its assumptions from social movements’ studies and cultural studies. Through the assessment of the importance of discourse and the role of ideological domination to a regime we will see how the first year of the Syrian uprising included widespread acts of political humor as part of the strategy against the regime.

Administració pública electronica i immigracio: una nova oportunitat per una societat xarxa catalana inclusiva

Aquest projecte explora dues dinàmiques socials interrelacionades: a) L'increment de la diversitat cultural al territori català i la necessitat d'implementar polítiques públiques per millorar la convivència i la cohesió social. b) El desenvolupament de la societat xarxa catalana mitjançant la disseminació de les noves tecnologies de la informació i la comunicació en I'espai de I'administració pública. Mes en concret, el projecte aborda la qüestió de la participació de les persones immigrades en la societat xarxa catalana mitjançant una metodologia que combina la investigació online i offline. Es posa un especial èmfasi en I'estudi de I ‘accés i ús dels serveis oferts per I'administració pública electrònica de les persones immigrades a Catalunya. Els nous usuaris i usuàries dels serveis públics presenten condicionants i necessitats particulars que depenen del seu origen cultural i de la seva situació administrativa. Aquest projecte estudia el grau d'adequació de la e-Administració a les demandes i necessitats especifiques d'aquest grup de població. En aquest sentit, I'estudi explora les possibilitats per a poder promoure la cohesió social mitjançant el desenvolupament d'una administració pública electronica mes inclusiva i interactiva a Catalunya. L’anàlisi de I'adaptació i adopció de I'administració electrònica catalana en el context de la població immigrada s'ha fet des d'un doble camí metodològic. D' una banda, s'ha realitzat una incursió en com I'administració pública catalana, tant local com autonòmica, s'ha adaptat a la diversitat dels seus usuaris mitjançant I'observació de webs i entrevistes a responsables tècnics i polítics. D'altra banda, s'han fet entrevistes amb persones immigrades amb perfils socio-culturals diversos. podem apuntar que I'administració pública electrònica a Catalunya es una realitat per a moltes persones immigrades que ja han provat de fer-la servir per a usos socialment importants. Existeixen, però, impediments tant des de la pròpia dinàmica de I'administració, que no ha posat aquesta qüestió en un lloc prioritari, com des de les persones que desconfien dels seus propis coneixements i no sempre troben allò que busquen. Amb tot, ens trobem amb un espai que obre expectatives de futur molt amplies. Un espai molt idoni per a repensar les formes que exigeixen els reptes de la nova ciutadania

El reto del paisaje urbano en China, del Mall Comercial al espacio público

Las categorías del espacio introvertido y extrovertido definen por excelencia la estructura espacial, que ordena el ámbito de lo privado y lo público en la ciudad. La dualidad del espacio abierto y cerrado, vinculado a la estructura espacial de la ciudad clásica China, quedaba ordenado, justificado y vinculado mediante una estructura espacial muy definida. Sin embargo en el modelo de ciudad contemporánea, aflora la cuestión de la integración de estas categorías espaciales y su articulación dentro de una estructura urbana heterogénea y fuertemente alterada. ¿Cuáles serán los factores de cambio de la transición de un espacio comunitario introvertido a un espacio cívico abierto? Este proceso es un proceso que debe discurrir a un doble nivel espacial y político. Debe discurrir en paralelo a la transición de las categorías espaciales que ordenan identitariamente el ámbito urbano y la progresiva transición socio-cultural y política de una sociedad que debe gradualmente identificar y adoptar como propias las instituciones de gobierno local y su escenario, la ciudad.

Contextual effects on political behavior

In her post-doctoral research stay, Aina Gallego has conducted several research projects with the overarching theme of identifying the effects of contexts on political behavior. She has examined the effects of institutions, the economic situation, or local contexts on outcomes such as voter turnout, vote choice, and positions on salient issues. As detailed below, this work has been published in several journal articles in leading Political Science journals such as Comparative Political Studies, Political Behavior, and Electoral Studies (see attached documents). She has a forthcoming book with Cambridge University Press, the most prestigious book press in Political Science.She has also published book chapters and has several working papers. In addition to conducting her research, Aina has received extensive training in both substantive areas and research methods. She has participated fully in the Department’s academic life by attending seminars and engaging in research projects with other members of the Department.

Anàlisi de la comunicació família-escola-serveis socio-educatius com a eina per a millorar l'èxit escolar. La situació de les famílies migrades a Catalunya: determinació de necessitats i propostes d'actuació

L’èxit escolar i personal dels nens i nenes escolaritzats en les primeres etapes de l’ensenyament obligatori passa per l’entesa de les seves famílies amb el professorat de les escoles a les que van i pel suport que els ofereixi l’entorn social en que estan immersos. Per entendre’s uns i altres els cal establir vies de comunicació eficients que permetin arribar al coneixement i al treball mutu. El projecte ACOFES (Anàlisi de la Comunicació Família-Escola-Serveis socio-educatius) ha buscat respostes a aquesta qüestió al voltant de cinc eixos: 1.Com es comuniquen els tres agents educatius que intervenen en l’èxit escolar: famílies, professorat i serveis socioeducatius municipals; 2.Quines són les vies de comunicació que fan servir i quina la seva eficàcia; 3.Què pensen les famílies, què necessiten a què es poden o volen comprometre’s respecte a l’escola i a l’educació dels seus fills i filles; 4.Què pensa el professorat de la comunicació amb les famílies, què necessiten com a professionals i a què pot o vol comprometre’s; 5.Quins són aquells factors que poden influir de forma més rellevant en la millora de les possibilitats d’èxit de tot l’alumnat fent, en darrer lloc, noves propostes d’intervenció en particular per ajudar a solventar les necessitats específiques de l’alumnat procedent d’altres cultures que s’escolaritzen a Catalunya.

Political mobilisation and models of trade unionism : Southern Europe in comparative perspective

The relationship between union membership and political mobilization has been studied under many perspectives, but quantitative cross-national analyses have been hampered by the absence of international comparable survey data until the first round of the European Social Survey (ESS-2002) was made available. Using different national samples from this survey in four moments of time (2002, 2004 and 2006), our paper provides evidence of cross-country divergence in the empirical association between political mobilisation and trade union membership. Cross-national differences in union members’ political mobilization, we argue, can be explained by the existence of models of unionism that in turn differ with respect to two decisive factors: the institutionalisation of trade union activity and the opportunities left-wing parties have available for gaining access to executive power.

Immigration and contested nation-building : explaining the political salience of immigration in multi-national societies

Multi-national societies present a complex setting for the politics of immigration, as migration’s linguistic, economic and cultural effects may coincide with existing contestation over nationhood between sub-units and the central state. Empirically, though, political actors only sometimes, and in some places, explicitly connect the politics of immigration to the stakes of multi-level politics. With reference to Canada, Belgium and the United Kingdom, this paper examines the conditions under which political leaders link immigration to ongoing debate about governance in multi-national societies. The paper argues that the distribution of policy competencies in the multi-level system is less important for shaping immigration and integration politics than is the perceived impact (positive or negative) on the sub-unit’s societal culture or its power relationship with the center. Immigration and integration are more often politicized where center and sub-unit hold divergent views on migration and its place in national identity.

Predictors of political orientation among US-born Mexican Americans: cultural identification, acculturation attitudes and socioeconomic status

With each passing election, U.S. political campaigns have renewed their efforts in courting the “Latino vote,” yet the Latino population is not a culturally homogenous voting bloc. This study examined how cultural identifications and acculturation attitudes in U.S. born Mexican Americans interacted with socioeconomic status (SES) to predict political orientation. Individuals who held stronger Mexican identity and supported biculturalism as an acculturation strategy had a more liberal orientation, while belonging to a higher SES group and holding stronger assimilation attitudes predicted a less liberal orientation. Mexican cultural identification interacted with SES such that those who held a weaker Mexican identity, but came from a higher social class were less liberal and more moderate in their political orientation. Weak Mexican identification and higher SES also predicted weaker endorsement of bicultural acculturation attitudes, which in turn, mediated the differences in political orientation. The acceptance of one’s ethnic identity and endorsement of bicultural attitudes predicted a more liberal political orientation. In light of these findings, political candidates should be cautious in how they pander to Latino constituents—referencing the groups’ ethnic culture or customs may distance constituents who are not strongly identified with their ethnic culture.

Recognition and political accommodation: from regionalism to secessionism. The Catalan case

Having lived through a bloody civil war in the 1930s followed by four decades of General Franco’s dictatorship, the Spanish state carried out a transition to a democratic system at the end of the 1970s. The 1978 Constitution was the legal outcome of this transition process. Among other things, it established a territorial model – the so-called “Estado de las Autonomías” (State of Autonomous Communities) – which was designed to satisfy the historical demands for recognition and self-government of, above all, the citizens and institutions of Catalonia and the Basque Country .In recent years support for independence has increased in Catalonia. Different indicators show that pro-independence demands are endorsed by a majority of its citizens, as well as by most of the political parties and organizations that represent its civil society. This is a new phenomenon. Those in favour of independence had been in the minority throughout the 20th century. Nowadays, however, demands of a pro-autonomy and pro-federalist nature, which until recently had been dominant, have gradually lost public support in favour of demands for self-determination and secession. This paper analyses the massive increase in support for secession in Catalonia during the early years of the 21st century. After describing the different theories of secession in plurinational liberal democracies (section 1), we analyse Catalonia’s political evolution over the past decade focusing on the shortcomings with regard to constitutional recognition and accommodation displayed by the Spanish political system. The latter have been exacerbated by the reform process of Catalonia’s Statute of Autonomy (2006) and the subsequent judgement of Spain’s Constitutional Court regarding the aforementioned Statute (2010) (section 2). Finally, we present our conclusions by linking the Catalan case with theories of secession applied to plurinational contexts

Rules vs. political discretion: evidence from constitutionally guaranteed transfers to local governments in Brazil

Can rules be used to shield public resources from political interference? The Brazilian constitution and national tax code stipulate that revenue sharing transfers to municipal governments be determined by the size of counties in terms of estimated population. In this paper I document that the population estimates which went into the transfer allocation formula for the year 1991 were manipulated, resulting in significant transfer differentials over the entire 1990's. I test whether conditional on county characteristics that might account for the manipulation, center-local party alignment, party popularity and the extent of interparty fragmentation at the county level are correlated with estimated populations in 1991. Results suggest that revenue sharing transfers were targeted at right-wing national deputies in electorally fragmented counties as well as aligned local executives.

The "New Political Economy": Two Recent Books

This paper reviews two recent books on Political Economy by Allan Drazen and Torsten Persson and Guido Tabellini. It discusses some problems of the recent Political Economy literature.

Assessing the Political Viability of Labour Market Reform: The Case of Employment Protection

We analyze the political support for employment protection legislation. Unlike my previous work on the same topic, this paper pays a lot of attention to the role of obsolescence in the growth process. In voting in favour of employment protection, incumbent employees trade off lower living standards (because employment protection maintains workers in less productive activities) against longer job duration. The support for employment protection will then depend on the value of the latter relative to the cost of the former. We highlight two key deeterminants of this trade-off: first, the workers' bargaining power, second, the economy's growth rate-more precisely its rate of creative destruction.

Civil conflict and human capital accumulation: The long-term effects of political violence in Perú

This paper provides empirical evidence of the persistent effect of exposure to political violence on humancapital accumulation. I exploit the variation in conflict location and birth cohorts to identify the longandshort-term effects of the civil war on educational attainment. Conditional on being exposed toviolence, the average person accumulates 0.31 less years of education as an adult. In the short-term,the effects are stronger than in the long-run; these results hold when comparing children within thesame household. Further, exposure to violence during early childhood leads to permanent losses. I alsoexplore the potential causal mechanisms.