Historia para la celebración: experiencias en la América Latina Contemporánea

Los artículos que integran este dossier abordan el uso de la historia para la organización de celebraciones en América Latina a partir del proceso de independencia. En el marco de la Historiografía Contemporánea, son las mencionadas ceremonias las que nos permiten reconstruir el papel ejercido por actores, hechos, diseños artísticos y diseños culturales, así como recuperar la fortaleza mantenida por algunas regiones que, en ocasiones, compitieron con los proyectos elaborados a nivel nacional. La conformación de las identidades, el liderazgo económico, la rememoración nostálgica a través de premios a la poesía, la evolución ideológica de sus participantes, la construcción de representantes del heroísmo o de la barbarie, el significado de los símbolos utilizados en las celebraciones, las ceremonias cuasi diplomáticas dedicadas a la reconstrucción y fortalecimiento de vínculos intercontinentales o internacionales, la función de la escuela como institución celebratoria básica, nos muestran las múltiples formas en que la historia (y la historiografía) ha servido para otorgar a las celebraciones un papel relevante en los procesos regionales de consolidación política y económica.

The Rise of democracy in Europe and the fight against mass poverty in Latin America: the implications for marxist thought of some recent mainstream papers

Recently a number of mainstream papers have treated the rise of democracy in 19th century Europe and its instability in Latin America in an eminently Marxist fashion. This paper sets out their implications for Marxist thought. With respect to Europe, Marx's emphasis on political action backed by the threat of violence is vindicated but his justification for socialism is not. With respect to Latin America, the unequal distribution of wealth is the cause of political instability that is, in turn, the root cause of mass poverty. In addition it is possible to explain some of the paradoxical characteristics of neo-liberalism and to make a weak argument for socialism in spite of its rejection in Europe.

Payments for environmental services in watersheds: insights from a comparative study of three cases in Central America

We have compared three cases of payments for water-related environmental services (PES) in Central America, in terms of socioeconomic background, opportunity costs of forest conservation and stakeholders’ perceptions on the conditions of water resources and other issues. We found that, in general, the foregone benefits from land uses alternative to forest cover are larger than the amount paid, which apparently contradicts the economic foundation of PES schemes. A number of possible explanations are explored. The results also suggest that trade-offs between different environmental and social goals are likely to emerge in PES schemes, posing some doubts on their ability to be multipurpose instruments for environmental improvement and rural development. We also found that PES schemes may work as a conflictresolution instrument, facilitating downstream -upstream problem solving, though at the same time they might introduce changes in social perceptions of property rights.

Material Flow Accounting in Chile, Ecuador, Mexico and Peru (1980-2000)

In this paper we compare the resource flows of Chile, Ecuador, Mexico and Peru between 1980 and 2000. In this time span, the domestic extraction of materials increased in the four countries, mainly due to the mining sector in Chile and Peru, biomass and oil in Ecuador and construction minerals in Mexico. Imports and exports increased too, due to the increasing integration in the international markets, prompted by the liberalization policies undertaken by the four countries between the late 1970s and the late 1990s. The four countries had a negative physical trade balance for most of the period analyzed, meaning that their exports exceeded their imports in terms of weight. However, the increase of imports reduced the physical deficit in Chile, Mexico and Peru. Ecuador’s physical deficit was the highest and did not decrease in the period analyzed. Also, a diversification of exports away from bulk commodities could be observed in Chile and Mexico, and to a lesser extent in Peru, whereas in Ecuador the export sector remained mainly based on oil and biomass. More research is needed to explore the environmental effects of this phenomenon. Also, the indirect flows associated to the direct physical flows deserve to be subject to further analysis.

Regulation in the Age of Globalization: The Difussion of Regulatory Agencies across Europe and Latin America

One of the most notable characteristics of the change in governance of the past two decades has been the restructuring of the state, most notably the delegation of authority from politicians and ministries to technocrats and regulatory agencies. Our unique dataset on the extent of these reforms in seven sectors in 36 countries reveals the widespread diffusion of these reforms in recent decades. In 1986 there were only 23 agencies across these sectors and countries (less than one agency per country); by 2002 this number had increased more than seven-fold, to 169. On average these 36 countries each have more than four agencies in the seven sectors studied. Yet the widespread diffusion of these reforms is characterized by cross-regional and cross-sectoral variations. Our data reveal two major variations: first, reforms are more widespread in economic regulation that in social spheres; second, regulatory agencies in the social spheres are more widespread in Europe than in Latin America. Why these variations in the spread of the reforms? In this paper we present for the first time the regulatory gaps across regions and sectors and then move on to offer some explanations for these gaps in a way that sheds some light on the nature of these reforms and on their limits. Our explanatory framework combines diffusion and structural explanations and in doing so sheds new light on the global diffusion of public policy ideas.

The Experience of European Integration and the Potential for Integration in South America

The experience of the European Union is the most significant and far-reaching among all attempts at regional integration. It is, therefore, the most likely to provide some lessons for those world regions that are just beginning this complex process. In turn, the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR) and the Andean Community (CAN) are among the regional integration projects that have reached the greatest level of formal accomplishment after the EU. MERCOSUR is a customs union that aspires to become a common market, while avowing the commitment to advance towards political integration. For its part, CAN is a customs union that has already developed supranational institutions such as a Commission, a Parliament and a Court of Justice. In both cases, however, words have progressively tended to wander far from deeds. One reason underlying this phenomenon may be a misunderstanding of the European experience with integration. In this article, we discuss the theories that have been developed to account for integration in Europe and may prove useful to understand integration elsewhere and put forward a set of lessons that could be drawn from the European experience. Subsequently, we introduce a description of the experience of integration in South America and reflect (critically) on how the theories and lessons drawn from the EU could be applied to this region –and beyond.

La persistencia de la memoria: violencia política, memoria histórica y testimonio en Antígona, de José Watanabe y el Grupo Yuyachkani

Partiendo de una concepción del teatro como espacio político por excelencia, se analizan las relaciones entre este, el trauma colectivo y la memoria histórica en un contexto de violencia político a partir del estudio de dos montajes de Antígona, de José Watanabe y el Grupo Yuyachkani: su estreno en Lima (2000) y su reposición en Huanta (2001). El análisis del texto en sus contextos originales de recepción permite reflexionar desde nuevas perspectivas sobre un problema relacionado con el conflicto armado interno ocurrido en el Perú entre los años 1980 y 2000: la responsabilidad ética y política de los sobrevivientes

The Electoral Determinants of Collective Remittances: The Mexican 3x1 Program for Migrants

The 3x1 Program for Migrants is a matching grant scheme that seeks to direct the money sent by migrant organizations abroad to the provision of public and social infrastructure, and to productive projects in migrants’ communities of origin. To do so, the municipal, state, and federal administrations match the amount sent by hometown associations by 3 to 1. This opens the door to the political manipulation of the program. We explore the impact of a particular facet of Mexican political life on the operation of the 3x1: its recent democratization and the increasing political competition at the municipal level. Relying on the literature on redistributive politics, we posit that an increasing number of effective parties in elections may have two different effects. On the one hand, the need to cater to more heterogeneous constituencies may increase the provision of public projects. On the other hand, since smaller coalitions are needed to win elections under tighter competition, fewer public and more private (clientelistic) projects could be awarded. Using a unique dataset on the 3x1 Program for Migrants for over 2,400 municipalities in the period 2002 through 2007, we find a lower provision of public goods in electorally competitive jurisdictions. Thus, we remain sceptical about the program success in promoting public goods in politically competitive locations with high migration levels.

Ciencia, industria e ideología en la Cataluña del siglo XX: el Instituto Ravetllat-Pla en Sudamérica entre 1924 y 1936

En 1923, Ramón Plá i Armengol (1880-1958) fundó el Instituto Ravetllat-Pla para la comercialización y producción de dos productos antituberculosos (Hemo-Antitoxina y Suero Ravetllat-Pla) fundamentados en una teoría heterodoxa postulada por el veterinario Joaquim Ravetllat i Estech (1871-1923). A través del instituto creó una gran red internacional científico-comercial principalmente en Latinoamérica. Plá i Armengol fue doctor en medicina y participó activamente en la lucha antituberculosa en Cataluña sin dejar de lado su militancia socialista. A través de estos dos productos, logró crear un mercado que se sustentaba en una teoría heterodoxa que integraban sus principios e ideología.

The Impact of democratization: a preliminary investigation on social policies and political violence in Latin America

The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.

D’Ermua a Patxi López (1997-2009): la complicitat de la premsa amb la política espanyola al País Basc

“D’Ermua a Patxi López (1997-2009): la complicitat de la premsa amb la política espanyola al País Basc” versa sobre la connivència de determinats mitjans de comunicació escrits a Madrid, principalment, amb una estratègia política d’Estat. Una estratègia instigada pels governs del Partit Popular (1996-2004) que perseguia estigmatitzar el conjunt del nacionalisme basc associant-lo al terrorisme de l’organització ETA. Es tractava d’una campanya d’intoxicació de l’opinió pública per desacreditar el govern del PNB a Vitòria i, així, fer possible l’alternança política. Tanmateix, el fracàs del tàndem PP-PSE a les eleccions basques de 2001 dóna pas al perfeccionament de l’alternança, per mitjà de l’aprovació de la Llei de Partits Polítics (2002) que possibilità la posterior il•legalització de l’esquerra abertzale, tot fent-la fora del joc parlamentari.

Más allá de una distinción dicotómica del apoyo a la democracia: diversos perfiles de no demócratas

El apoyo ciudadano a la democracia constituye un requisito fundamental de los modernos regímenes democráticos, tanto respecto de su estabilidad y consolidación como de la calidad de su funcionamiento. En este marco, la legitimidad democrática pertenece a la dimensión de creencias ciudadanas respecto de que la democracia y sus instituciones son las más apropiadas (de hecho, las únicas aceptables) como régimen de gobierno. Sin perjuicio de lo anterior, no todos los ciudadanos expresan este conjunto de actitudes positivas hacia el régimen democrático. En gran parte de las nuevas democracias un número considerable de personas o bien no entregan un apoyo abierto a la democracia o, expresan actitudes contradictorias hacia los regímenes democráticos. Este grupo de individuos ha sido normalmente tratado por la literatura como un solo grupo homogéneo, que responde sin más consideraciones a la etiqueta de “no demócratas”. Sin embargo, tal como esta investigación pretende demostrar, existen razones teóricas y empíricas para esperar que no haya un único perfil de ciudadanos que no apoya la democracia. Por el contrario, sería posible encontrar y analizar diversos perfiles de “no demócratas”, que explican sus diferencias de acuerdo a distintas objeciones hacia la democracia. Esto es, las razones que se tienen para no entregar un apoyo difuso a la democracia no serían las mismas en todos los casos. De esta forma se derivan las siguientes preguntas de investigación: ¿Cuáles son los argumentos teóricos y empíricos que permiten distinguir diversos tipos de “no demócratas”? ¿Cuáles son las distintas objeciones hacia la democracia (razones) que configuran estos perfiles diversos? Sin embargo, no basta con responder sólo a estas preguntas. Es necesario avanzar en esta línea argumental, preguntándose respecto de la relevancia de distinguir distintos perfiles de “no demócratas”. Así, surge una tercera pregunta: ¿Bajo qué circunstancias tiene relevancia efectuar una distinción entre quienes no apoyan la democracia?

Cos i espiritualitat : in-corporant rituals i creences en les noves formes de religiositat

El fenomen de les noves religions posa de relleu la importància del cos i les emocions com a elements constitutius de la subjectivitat. En aquest treball s'estudia el procés de construcció de la identitat espiritual, a través de la in-corporació de nous valors i creences, i de la corporeïtzació dels rituals. Es parteix d'una aproximació etnogràfica, a través d'un treball de camp al sí d'un grup d'orientació oriental. A partir de l'observació participant i la celebració d'entrevistes, es proposa analitzar com es forja l'espiritualitat. En tant que experiència corporal, es posa de manifest la rellevància de les emocions en els processos d'interacció i socialització de la persona en un grup donat.

Els àngels de la "New Age" : la literatura didàctica i les cartes oracle que tracten d'ensenyar a comunicar-se amb els àngels

Una mirada des dels Estudis Culturals sobre la literatura didàctica i les cartes oracle que tracten d'ensenyar a comunicar-se amb els àngels. Són productes relativament nous en el mercat, comercialitzats per les indústries culturals i generats en el sector dels nous moviments religiosos conegut com New Age.

Treball sobre persones vinculades a la fe catòlica, evangèlica i musulmana residents a la ciutat de Vic : la seva actitud davant la mort. Creences i valors

El comportament de les persones en relació a la vida i la mort és variat. Què influeix en aquest comportament?. Les seves creences, els seus valors, la religió, la societat..? són tota una colla de preguntes que originen l'interès central d'aquest treball: l'esforç d'aproximar-se al procés de mort, de dol des del punt de vista de la religió, i, més concretament, de les creences, valors i guies de comportament que aquesta proporciona als creients. Aquestes i altres preguntes pretenen ser resoltes en aquest treball, a partir de l'estudi d'una mostra concretament centrada en els habitants de la ciutat de Vic.