82 resultados para POLITICAL NOVEL
Resumo:
Given the urgence of a new paradigm in wireless digital trasmission which should allow for higher bit rate, lower latency and tigher delay constaints, it has been proposed to investigate the fundamental building blocks that at the circuital/device level, will boost the change towards a more efficient network architecture, with high capacity, higher bandwidth and a more satisfactory end user experience. At the core of each transciever, there are inherently analog devices capable of providing the carrier signal, the oscillators. It is strongly believed that many limitations in today's communication protocols, could be relieved by permitting high carrier frequency radio transmission, and having some degree of reconfigurability. This led us to studying distributed oscillator architectures which work in the microwave range and possess wideband tuning capability. As microvave oscillators are essentially nonlinear devices, a full nonlinear analyis, synthesis, and optimization had to be considered for their implementation. Consequently, all the most used nonlinear numerical techniques in commercial EDA software had been reviewed. An application of all the aforementioned techniques has been shown, considering a systems of three coupled oscillator ("triple push" oscillator) in which the stability of the various oscillating modes has been studied. Provided that a certain phase distribution is maintained among the oscillating elements, this topology permits a rise in the output power of the third harmonic; nevertheless due to circuit simmetry, "unwanted" oscillating modes coexist with the intenteded one. Starting with the necessary background on distributed amplification and distributed oscillator theory, the design of a four stage reverse mode distributed voltage controlled oscillator (DVCO) using lumped elments has been presented. All the design steps have been reported and for the first time a method for an optimized design with reduced variations in the output power has been presented. Ongoing work is devoted to model a wideband DVCO and to implement a frequency divider.
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A credible analysis or proposal to solve the problem of the treatment of violence in divided societies has to based in a good understanding of the micro-foundations of the political mobilization in these societies. Much of the engineering models seem to have been based on rather strong simplifications of the electoral behaviour of the citizens. This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the underlying political competition in divided societies with a neo-downsian model of party competition that is based on the interpretation of Tsebelis (1991) of the consociationalism.
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The low quality of education is a persistent problem in many developed countries. Parallel to in the last decades exists a tendency towards decentralization in many developed and developing countries. Using micro data from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) referred to 22 countries, we test whether there exists an impact of fiscal and political decentralization on student performance in the areas of mathematics, reading skills and science. We observe that fiscal decentralization exerts an unequivocal positive effect on students’ outcomes in all areas, while the effect of political decentralization is more ambiguous. On the one hand, the capacity of the subnational governments to rule on its region has a positive effect on students’ performance in mathematics. On the other hand, the capacity to influence the country as a whole has a negative impact on mathematics achievement. As a general result, we observe that students’ performance in Mathematics is more sensible to these exogenous variations than in Sciences and reading skills. Keywords: School outcomes, PISA, fiscal decentralization, political decentralization JEL codes: H11, H77, I21
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This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.
Resumo:
Politics must tackle multiple issues at once. In a first-best world, political competition constrains parties to prioritize issues according to the voters' true concerns. In the real world, the opposite also happens: parties manipulate voter priorities by emphasizing issues selectively during the political campaign. This phenomenon, known as priming, should allow parties to pay less attention to the issues that they intend to mute. We develop a model of endogenous issue ownership in which two vote-seeking parties (i) invest to attract voters with "better" policy proposals and (ii) choose a communication campaign to focus voter attention on specific issues. We identify novel feedbacks between communication and investment. In particular, we find that stronger priming effects can backfire by constraining parties to invest more resources in all issues, including the ones they would otherwise intend to mute. We also identify under which conditions parties prefer to focus on their "historical issues" or to engage in issue stealing. Typically, the latter happens when priming effects are strong, and historical reputations differentiates parties less.
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In this paper, we study the determinants of political myopia in a rational model of electoral accountability where the key elements are informational frictions and uncertainty. We build a framework where political ability is ex-ante unknown and policy choices are not perfectly observable. On the one hand, elections improve accountability and allow to keep well-performing incumbents. On the other, politicians invest too little in costly policies with future returns in an attempt to signal high ability and increase their reelection probability. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, uncertainty reduces political myopia and may, under some conditions, increase social welfare. We use the model to study how political rewards can be set so as to maximise social welfare and the desirability of imposing a one-term limit to governments. The predictions of our theory are consistent with a number of stylised facts and with a new empirical observation documented in this paper: aggregate uncertainty, measured by economic volatility, is associated to better ...scal discipline in a panel of 20 OECD countries.
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Throughout the past decade, social media have come on the scene of various popular revolts. Their role as tools of information and coordination of social movements, from the Iranian Green Movement in 2009 to the Arab uprisings in 2011, has been widely debated. In most cases, online activism through blogs, Facebook, Twitter or other forms of social media has allowed citizens to be part of a social networking exercise and to engage in a public sphere that would have otherwise been unreachable to them due to severe repression. In Tunisia and Egypt, social media helped protests start and expand thanks to their ability to coordinate and disseminate information quickly. The new information and communication tools were an influential factor in accelerating the revolutionary processes across the Arab world, albeit they cannot be seen as neither the spur nor the drivers of any revolution.
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The aim of this working paper is to analyze the inclusion of political humor into the set of actions used by opponents to the Syrian regime during the first year of a state-wide uprising in 2011. The research argues that although political humor has traditionally been seen mainly as a concealed voice against dominant elites, it can nevertheless take a confrontational stance and challenge a regime. In this paper we assess the role of political humor in challenging the legitimacy of the Syrian State through the battle for the signification of events. We will work with a theoretical framework that draws its assumptions from social movements’ studies and cultural studies. Through the assessment of the importance of discourse and the role of ideological domination to a regime we will see how the first year of the Syrian uprising included widespread acts of political humor as part of the strategy against the regime.
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It has been shown that the accuracy of mammographic abnormality detection methods is strongly dependent on the breast tissue characteristics, where a dense breast drastically reduces detection sensitivity. In addition, breast tissue density is widely accepted to be an important risk indicator for the development of breast cancer. Here, we describe the development of an automatic breast tissue classification methodology, which can be summarized in a number of distinct steps: 1) the segmentation of the breast area into fatty versus dense mammographic tissue; 2) the extraction of morphological and texture features from the segmented breast areas; and 3) the use of a Bayesian combination of a number of classifiers. The evaluation, based on a large number of cases from two different mammographic data sets, shows a strong correlation ( and 0.67 for the two data sets) between automatic and expert-based Breast Imaging Reporting and Data System mammographic density assessment
Resumo:
El projecte ha tingut com a objectiu principal abordar la instrumentalització política de la immigració per part de partits polítics de nova extrema dreta. Aquest fenomen, que ha adquirit una gran rellevància a gran part dels països europeus, està adquirint una creixent rellevància en els casos britànic i català a partir de, entre altres coses, l'emergència electoral dels partits Plataforma per Catalunya i British National Party. En aquest sentit, el projecte ha tractat de desenvolupar una recerca que produís un conjunt de dades i coneixements que permetessin abordar de forma fonamentada un fenomen “nou” en el context català i que, fins al moment, ha rebut escassa atenció per part del món acadèmic. Dins d’aquest objectiu cal destacar el fet que la àmplia experiència de l’equip investigador britànic en l’anàlisi de la nova extrema dreta ha permès que els investigadors catalans poguessin desenvolupar la seva recerca recolzant-se i dialogant en la seva contrapart britànica. Els resultats de la recerca són certament novedosos i representaran una important contribució al coneixement d’aquest fenomen. Així, en el marc de la recerca s’han desenvolupat una sèrie d’entrevistes a membres i a votants de PxC, així com una enquesta a votants i una anàlisi agregada sobre el vot al partit. En aquest sentit, cal destacar que és la primera vegada que s’aconsegueixen aquest tipus de dades. Un fet que està fent, i farà, que la seva explotació i divulgació adquireixi una gran rellevància tant en el món acadèmic com en el de les administracions públiques. Finalment, convé ressaltar que el projecte també ha servit per consolidar la relació entre els equips d’investigació britànic i català i per impulsar la inserció de l’equip català en les xarxes europees d’investigació sobre aquesta matèria.
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In her post-doctoral research stay, Aina Gallego has conducted several research projects with the overarching theme of identifying the effects of contexts on political behavior. She has examined the effects of institutions, the economic situation, or local contexts on outcomes such as voter turnout, vote choice, and positions on salient issues. As detailed below, this work has been published in several journal articles in leading Political Science journals such as Comparative Political Studies, Political Behavior, and Electoral Studies (see attached documents). She has a forthcoming book with Cambridge University Press, the most prestigious book press in Political Science.She has also published book chapters and has several working papers. In addition to conducting her research, Aina has received extensive training in both substantive areas and research methods. She has participated fully in the Department’s academic life by attending seminars and engaging in research projects with other members of the Department.
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Report for the scientific sojourn carried out at the University of Aarhus, Denmark, from 2010 to 2012. Reprogramming of cellular metabolism is a key process during tumorigenesis. This metabolic adaptation is required in order to sustain the energetic and anabolic demands of highly proliferative cancer cells. Despite known for decades (Warburg effect), the precise molecular mechanisms regulating this switch remained unexplored. We have identify SIRT6 as a novel tumor suppressor that regulates aerobic glycolysis in cancer cells. Importantly, loss of this sirtuin in non-transformed cells leads to tumor formation without activation of known oncogenes, indicating that SIRT6 functions as a first-hit tumor suppressor. Furthermore, transformed SIRT6-deficient cells display increased glycolysis and tumor growth in vivo, suggesting that SIRT6 plays a role in both establishment and maintenance of cancer. We provide data demonstrating that the glycolytic switch towards aerobic glycolysis is the main driving force for tumorigenesis in SIRT6-deficient cells, since inhibition of glycolysis in these cells abrogates their tumorigenic potential. By using a conditional SIRT6-targeted allele, we show that deletion of SIRT6 in vivo increases the number, size and aggressiveness of tumors, thereby confirming a role of SIRT6 as a tumor suppressor in vivo. In addition, we describe a new role for SIRT6 as a regulator of ribosome biogenesis by co-repressing MYC transcriptional activity. Therefore, by repressing glycolysis and ribosomal gene expression, SIRT6 inhibits tumor establishment and progression. Further validating these data, SIRT6 is selectively downregulated in several human cancers, and expression levels of SIRT6 predict both prognosis and tumor-free survival rates, highlighting SIRT6 as a critical modulator of cancer metabolism. Our results provide a potential Achilles’ hill to tackle cancer metabolism.
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For the ∼1% of the human genome in the ENCODE regions, only about half of the transcriptionally active regions (TARs) identified with tiling microarrays correspond to annotated exons. Here we categorize this large amount of “unannotated transcription.” We use a number of disparate features to classify the 6988 novel TARs—array expression profiles across cell lines and conditions, sequence composition, phylogenetic profiles (presence/absence of syntenic conservation across 17 species), and locations relative to genes. In the classification, we first filter out TARs with unusual sequence composition and those likely resulting from cross-hybridization. We then associate some of those remaining with proximal exons having correlated expression profiles. Finally, we cluster unclassified TARs into putative novel loci, based on similar expression and phylogenetic profiles. To encapsulate our classification, we construct a Database of Active Regions and Tools (DART.gersteinlab.org). DART has special facilities for rapidly handling and comparing many sets of TARs and their heterogeneous features, synchronizing across builds, and interfacing with other resources. Overall, we find that ∼14% of the novel TARs can be associated with known genes, while ∼21% can be clustered into ∼200 novel loci. We observe that TARs associated with genes are enriched in the potential to form structural RNAs and many novel TAR clusters are associated with nearby promoters. To benchmark our classification, we design a set of experiments for testing the connectivity of novel TARs. Overall, we find that 18 of the 46 connections tested validate by RT-PCR and four of five sequenced PCR products confirm connectivity unambiguously.
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Genomic plasticity of human chromosome 8p23.1 region is highly influenced by two groups of complex segmental duplications (SDs), termed REPD and REPP, that mediate different kinds of rearrangements. Part of the difficulty to explain the wide range of phenotypes associated with 8p23.1 rearrangements is that REPP and REPD are not yet well characterized, probably due to their polymorphic status. Here, we describe a novel primate-specific gene family, named FAM90A (family with sequence similarity 90), found within these SDs. According to the current human reference sequence assembly, the FAM90A family includes 24 members along 8p23.1 region plus a single member on chromosome 12p13.31, showing copy number variation (CNV) between individuals. These genes can be classified into subfamilies I and II, which differ in their upstream and 5′-untranslated region sequences, but both share the same open reading frame and are ubiquitously expressed. Sequence analysis and comparative fluorescence in situ hybridization studies showed that FAM90A subfamily II suffered a big expansion in the hominoid lineage, whereas subfamily I members were likely generated sometime around the divergence of orangutan and African great apes by a fusion process. In addition, the analysis of the Ka/Ks ratios provides evidence of functional constraint of some FAM90A genes in all species. The characterization of the FAM90A gene family contributes to a better understanding of the structural polymorphism of the human 8p23.1 region and constitutes a good example of how SDs, CNVs and rearrangements within themselves can promote the formation of new gene sequences with potential functional consequences.
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Studies of large sets of SNP data have proven to be a powerful tool in the analysis of the genetic structure of human populations. In this work, we analyze genotyping data for 2,841 SNPs in 12 Sub-Saharan African populations, including a previously unsampled region of south-eastern Africa (Mozambique). We show that robust results in a world-wide perspective can be obtained when analyzing only 1,000 SNPs. Our main results both confirm the results of previous studies, and show new and interesting features in Sub-Saharan African genetic complexity. There is a strong differentiation of Nilo-Saharans, much beyond what would be expected by geography. Hunter-gatherer populations (Khoisan and Pygmies) show a clear distinctiveness with very intrinsic Pygmy (and not only Khoisan) genetic features. Populations of the West Africa present an unexpected similarity among them, possibly the result of a population expansion. Finally, we find a strong differentiation of the south-eastern Bantu population from Mozambique, which suggests an assimilation of a pre-Bantu substrate by Bantu speakers in the region.