"When I have holidays": Influència entre llengües i producció escrita. Un estudi amb aprenents adults d'anglès com a llengua estrangera

En aquest article presentem una proposta de tipologia de la transferència lèxica en la producció escrita per tal d¿analitzar la incidència que té en adults aprenents d¿anglès com a llengua estrangera i veure les possibles relacions entre els tipus de transferència i el nivell de competència en anglès, així com les interrelacions entre les llengües prèvies (materna/es) i segones i l¿anglès. Els resultats mostren una influència important de la primera llengua en l¿aprenentatge de les altres i, en el cas dels aprenents bilingües que aprenen una tercera o quarta llengua, influències interessants entre totes les llengües.

Per aprendre anglès, quan abans millor? L'aprenentatge de l'anglès com a llengua estrangera. When Learning English, is it a case of 'The earlier the better?' Learning English as a foreign Language

En contra del que molts pares i mestres pensen, i en contra del que s'ha trobat en contextos d'adquisició natural de segones llengües i d'immersió, començar al més aviat possible l'aprenentatge d'idiomes, sobretot pel que fa a les tasques cognitivament més exigents, com l'escriptura, no sembla l'opció més eficaç. Els resultats del Grup de Recerca en Adquisició de Llengües (GRAL) estudià aprenents d'anglès que començaren als vuit i onze anys i trobaren, sistemàticament, que a llarg termini, després de les mateixes hores d'instrucció, eren els més grans, que havien començat als onze anys, els que obtenien millors resultats en totes les proves orals i escrites d'anglès excepte en alguna de prova de reconeixement fonètic. La maduresa cognitiva dels alumnes més grans i els diferents mecanismes d¿aprenentatge implícit i explícit entre els nens més petits i els adults ajuden a explicar per què només començar abans l'aprenentatge d'idiomes no sembla suficient per obtenir millors resultats.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Les creences populars entorn a l'aprenentatge d'una llengua estrangera (Anglès) abans dels vuit anys

L'avançament de l'edat d'aprenentatge obligatori d'una llengua estrangera deis 11 als 8 anys en el context educatiu espanyol, així com la demanda creixent per part deis pares d'introduir-ne l'ensenyament al més aviat possible, ja sigui al Primer Cicle de Primaria (6-7 anys) o encara més aviat, en l'Educació Infantil (3-5 anys), no solament indica un alt nivell de conscienciació de la necessitat de coneixement d'idiomes que el món actual exigeix, sinó que també evidencia la creença que existeix una edat privilegiada per aprendre llengües, que se situa en els primers anys de l'escolaritat.

L'avançament de la introducció d'una llengua estrangera: un fugida cap enrera?

The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

L'avançament de la introducció d'una llengua estrangera: un fugida cap enrera?

The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

L'avançament de la introducció de la llengua estrangera: una fugida cap enrere?

En aquest article es pretén traçar una anàlisi crítica, basada en els resultats de recerques empíriques, d'alguns arguments que s'han utilitzat per justificar aquest avençament, que s'ha presentat com una millora indiscutible de les reformes educatives del nostre país d'aquests darrers anys.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Els Gèneres de la narrativa oral en prosa: material didàctic d’aula ordinària d’ESO amb presència d’alumat que té el català com a segona llengua

En aquest treball proposem crear materials didàctics per a l’alumnat de les aules de secundària que en molts casos és heterogeni i inclou estudiants que surten de l’aula d’acollida amb un coneixement del català informal i que tenen dificultats per a incorporar-se al ritme habitual de l’aula ordinària

El català estàndard als mitjans de comunicació en llengua catalana

Aquest treball té com a objectiu analitzar i quantificar el nivell d’estandardització de la llengua catalana als mitjans de comunicació del nostre país, per donar resposta a la pregunta de la hipòtesi sobre el seu compliment. Així, s’ha volgut determinar quantitativament i qualitativament mitjançant percentatges, quin pes té el català estàndard en unes mostres variades i significatives d’alguns dels mitjans de comunicació en llengua catalana. Per a situar al lector en el tema del català estàndard, s’ha explicat tota l’evolució de la llengua catalana fins arribar a la creació de l’estàndard i com, aquest, ha incidit als mitjans de comunicació. Després s’ha fet una selecció d’algunes de les definicions del català estàndard ja establertes pels experts i, amb aquesta, s’ha creat una definició pròpia englobant els aspectes de “llengua comuna neutra” i “l’ús correcte del català” que ha servit com a punt de partida per a l’anàlisi. A partir d’aquesta definició clau, s’ha elaborat una metodologia d’anàlisi basada en indicadors validats amb textos bibliogràfics i de lingüistes experts, determinant uns nivells mínims de compliment adequats, per a poder dur a terme l’avaluació del català estàndard als mitjans. Pel que fa als resultats, per tipus de mitjà i per ordre de compliment del grau més òptim de l’estàndard (superior al 80%) destaca, en primer lloc, la premsa escrita amb un 93%, donat que és un mitjà que permet la correcció i revisió; seguida de la ràdio amb un 91% i, finalment, de la televisió amb un 88%, resultats lògics pel fet que reflecteixen l’espontaneïtat que caracteritza a aquests mitjans. S’ha conclòs que els mitjans de comunicació escrits i orals en llengua catalana compleixen, globalment i majoritàriament amb el català estàndard en uns nivells alts i adequats. Aquesta investigació del català estàndard, basada en una metodologia científica consensuada amb indicadors objectivables, ha de permetre que es mantingui aquest alt nivell de català estàndard als mitjans, fent avançar la llengua cap a fites més àmplies i innovadores.

Guia d’activitats integrades de llengua i continguts d’altres àrees curriculars per a aules multilingües

La finalitat del projecte és proporcionar eines a la comunitat educativa per encarar de manera eficient l’ensenyament de la llengua en contextos amb presència important d’alumnat nouvingut. Per assolir aquest objectiu s’han aplicat els principis de la metodologia d’ensenyament de la llengua a través de les altres àrees curriculars (o ensenyament integrat de llengua i continguts) en el disseny d’un conjunt d’activitats d’aula per al cicle mitjà d’Educació Primària.

Language knowledge and earnings in Catalonia

This paper investigates the economic value of Catalan knowledge for national and foreign first- and second-generation immigrants in Catalonia. Specifically, drawing on data from the “Survey on Living Conditions and Habits of the Catalan Population (2006)”, we want to quantify the expected earnings differential between individuals who are proficient in Catalan and those who are not, taking into account the potential endogeneity between knowledge of Catalan and earnings. The results indicate the existence of a positive return to knowledge of Catalan, with a 7.5% increase in earnings estimated by OLS; however, when we account for the presence of endogeneity, monthly earnings are around 18% higher for individuals who are able to speak and write Catalan. However, we also find that language and education are complementary inputs for generating earnings in Catalonia, given that knowledge of Catalan increases monthly earnings only for more educated individuals.

Aspectes de l'adquisició de la quantificació en català

Aquest estudi té dos objectius principals. Per una banda, vol contribuir a la caracterització de l'adquisició dels quantificadors en llengua catalana i, per l'altra, pretén comprovar si hi ha diferències en l'adquisició dels quantificadors universals tots i cada entre els infants amb un desenvolupament típic i els infants amb trastorn específic del llenguatge