How can Brazil���s leading role in South America contribute to boosting security cooperation between the EU and Mercosur?

The primary goal of this paper is to discuss how the leading position of Brazil in South America could contribute to boost security cooperation between the European Union and Mercosur. Both parties share common foreign and security policy concerns, including immigration, terrorism and drug trafficking. Through its great influence on the regional security agenda, Brazil could seek closer bilateral cooperation with Europe in tackling these global challenges, acting at the same time as a representative of regional interests.

La Uni��n Europea en el mundo: Entre el poder de transformaci��n y los l��mites de la Constituci��n

La construcci��n europea se ha enfrentado en los ��ltimos a��os a un triple desaf��o: la mayor, y m��s desafiante (valga la redundancia) adhesi��n de nuevos miembros, pasando de Quince a Veinticinco; la profundizaci��n del proceso pol��tico, econ��mico y social a trav��s de la adopci��n del Tratado por el que establece una Constituci��n para Europa (t��rminos altamente simb��licos1) y; finalmente, la crisis transatl��ntica, que ha explotado en torno a la guerra contra Irak, y que ha desencadenado, a su vez, una crisis entre los miembros de la Uni��n en torno a su actuaci��n internacional. Estas p��ginas van a abordar, justamente, el tema de la acci��n exterior de la Uni��n, sin olvidar que la misma, como veremos, es un producto de factores estructurales (lo que nos permitir�� hablar de una política exterior europea estructural) pero, tambi��n, un producto de factores coyunturales (la evoluci��n del contexto internacional determinado, en buena medida, por la política de Estados Unidos). Tres temas van a ser desarrollados en estas p��ginas: el poder de ���transformaci��n��� que la Uni��n tiene en la escena internacional; el balance de la política exterior de la Uni��n bajo el marco legal del Tratado de la Uni��n Europea y, finalmente, una breve reflexi��n en torno al tratamiento que la acci��n exterior merece en el Tratado Constitucional (en proceso de ratificaci��n).

La PESC y la PESD en la Constituci��n europea: principales novedades

A pesar de las prerrogativas de los Estados en materia de política de seguridad y de defensa, y las dudas sobre lo poco ���com��n��� que pueda ser la política exterior y de seguridad de la Uni��n, la realidad es que, junto con la moneda ��nica, ��sta es la dimensi��n de la Uni��n en la que m��s se ha avanzado en los ��ltimos cinco a��os El texto y los anexos que vienen a continuaci��n no tienen otro objetivo que el de sintetizar las principales novedades en los ��mbitos PESC y PESD introducidas por el Tratado por el que se establece una Constituci��n Europea. Esto se consigue con un an��lisis detallado de los nuevos contenidos, pero tambi��n con la necesidad de demostrar que, a pesar del importante desarrollo de ambas políticas, la Uni��n no ha tenido que esperar a la entrada en vigor de la Constituci��n para poder llevar a cabo su actividad en materia de seguridad y, especialmente, de defensa.

Poland���s adaptation to the CFSP: success or failure?

This paper attempts to analyse the process of Poland���s adaptation to the European Union in the area of CFSP before the enlargement in order to show if such institutional processes might have impact on the present Polish position in the EU���s foreign policy. The first, introductory section sets out the analytical framework of such processes based upon the adaptation concept definition. The second section provides the analysis of Polish predisposition to adapt to the emerging external challenge. The third section is dedicated to the analysis of the institutional relations between Poland and EU paying special attention to the CFSP area. The fourth section discusses the Polish behavior towards different aspects of CFSP cooperation and her positions regarding further development of this area of European integration.

Pour une nouvelle gouvernance de l���aide europ��enne

Les pays de l���Union europ��enne (UE) devraient-ils ���re-nationaliser��� l���aide communautaire ? Alors que l���Europe s���appr��te �� ouvrir un nouveau chapitre dans son d��veloppement institutionnel, la gouvernance de l���aide communautaire ne fait l���objet que d���une modeste attention. Elle souffre cependant de nombreux dysfonctionnements et incertitudes institutionnelles. Malgr�� de bonnes intentions et une g��n��rosit�� ind��niable, de nombreuses occasions ont ��t�� manqu��es pour donner un nouveau souffle au dispositif communautaire d���aide au d��veloppement. Cet article analyse la gouvernance de l���aide europ��enne dans le cadre des d��bats sur la refonte des institutions europ��ennes et l���efficacit�� de l���aide au d��veloppement. Il soutient que les r��formes du dispositif communautaire d���aide au d��veloppement adopt��es depuis 1998 n���adressent que partiellement les questions de fond quant aux relations ambigu��s entre politique ��trang��re et coop��ration au d��veloppement et les cons��quences de celles-ci sur son architecture institutionnelle. Le dispositif communautaire oscille entre deux mod��les, celui de l���autonomie de la politique de coop��ration et celui de l���int��gration de celle-ci �� la politique ��trang��re. Le deuxi��me mod��le semble cependant prendre le dessus, plus par d��faut que para dessein. L�����laboration d���une Constitution pour l���Europe ��largie requiert que s���ouvre le d��bat sur l���imp��rieuse n��cessit�� de repenser la gouvernance de l���aide europ��enne et les r��formes institutionnelles et administratives que celle-ci exige

De R��o a Madrid: l��mites y posibilidades de las relaciones Uni��n Europea-Am��rica Latina1

Las relaciones que Am��rica Latina pueda establecer con la Uni��n Europea tienen ,de hecho, car��cter estrat��gico. Ello afecta tanto al acceso a los mercados y a la diversificaci��n de los v��nculos externos, pol��ticos y econ��micos, como a los modelos y las visiones ideol��gicas que compiten en la econom��a política global. Hay que subrayar que en Am��rica Latina la Uni��n Europea sigue siendo una importante referencia como modelo social y pol��tico, en la medida que a��n presente alguna diferencia respecto del ���Consenso de Washington��� de inspiraci��n neoliberal que impregna el proyecto del ALCA,45 sus evidentes pretensiones hegem��nicas, y el unilateralismo que en ocasiones preside la política estadounidense hacia la regi��n, por ejemplo en lo referido al espinoso asunto de las drogas ilegales. En relaci��n a este hecho, a t��tulo de ejemplo, cabe destacar las propuestas del Presidente de M��xico, Vicente Fox, sobre la necesidad de ir m��s all�� del ALCAN y constituir una ���Comunidad de Am��rica del Norte��� que aborde cuestiones como la libre circulaci��n de trabajadores y una posible ���política de cohesi��n���, y las referencias al ���modelo europeo��� presentes en las propuestas de Luis In��cio ���Lula��� da Silva, presidente electo de Brasil para la revitalizaci��n de Mercosur con un parlamento, una moneda y una política exterior com��n. Esta cuesti��n puede tener importantes implicaciones para las relaciones entre ambas regiones. Ante las dificultades que plantea la agenda del libre comercio, a nivel multilateral y bilateral, las iniciativas para fortalecer los procesos de integraci��n regional, y en especial Mercosur, podr��an convertirse en uno de los asuntos centrales de la cooperaci��n de la Uni��n Europea y Am��rica Latina.

The CFSP/ESDP, Parliamentary Accountability, and the ��Future of Europe�� Convention debate

This paper examines the importance that the current Convention on the Future of Europe is giving (or not) to the question of democratic accountability in European foreign and defence policy. As all European Union (EU) member states are parliamentary democracies1, and as there is a European Parliament (EP) which also covers CFSP (Common Foreign and Security Policy) and ESDP (European Security and Defence Policy2) matters, I will concentrate on parliamentary accountability rather than democratic accountability more widely defined. Where appropriate, I will also refer to the work of other transnational parliamentary bodies such as the North Atlantic Assembly or NAA (NATO��s Parliamentary Assembly) or the Western European Union (WEU) Parliamentary Assembly3. The article will consist of three sections. First, I will briefly put the question under study within its wider context (section 1). Then, I will examine the current level of parliamentary accountability in CFSP and defence matters (section 2). Finally, I will consider the current Convention debate and assess how much attention is being given to the question of accountability in foreign and defence policies (section 3). This study basically argues that, once again, there is very little interest in an issue that should be considered as vital for the future democratic development of a European foreign and defence policy. It is important to note however that this paper does not cover the wider debate about how to democratise and make the EU more transparent and closer to its citizens. It concentrates on its Second Pillar because its claim is that very little if any attention is being given to this question

The Catalan Parliament and the Mediterranean: a preliminary assessment

This study consists of four parts. It begins with an overview of the Spanish political system and how Catalonia fits into it, with an emphasis on Spain���s foreign policy decision-making process (section 1). The following sections cover Catalonia and the Mediterranean (section 2), before concentrating on the Catalan Parliament (section 3). This study then concludes with a summary of the main findings and a set of guidelines for possible future research.

The Distant neighbors ��� EU, Middle East, North Africa and the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership

The Barcelona Euro-Mediterranean Conference (1995) was intended to be a launching pad" for creating a new, innovative relationship between the EU-Fifteen and a selected set of non-member Middle Eastern and North African countries. The Barcelona Process was to become the European Union��s first attempt, of several, to create postmodern inclusive policy spheres as a way to deal with the post-enlargement problems of ��ins�� and outs�� in its immediate periphery. Nevertheless, in spite of geographical proximity, common problems and stated interest in creating amorphous EU borders in different sectors, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership is today all but abandoned. This paper will examine some of the factors behind the current degeneration of the EU��s post-bipolar foreign policy strategy in the Mediterranean, by exploring the dialectic between the Union��s desire to expand its geopolitical, economic and cultural boundaries and the need to secure its territorial area (from migration, proliferation, social instability etc.). In the final part of the paper some suggestions for how to revive the relationship across the Mare Nostrum will be forwarded.

La PESC en el Debate sobre el Futuro de Europa

Este art��culo analiza las contribuciones de los representantes de los Gobiernos nacionales en la Convenci��n Europea en materia de Política Exterior y de Seguridad Com��n. Intenta mostrar de forma gr��fica los principales temas de debate abiertos sobre Acci��n Exterior y como queda plasmado en las discusiones los ejes de fractura pre-existentes en el seno de la familia europea.

The Common Strategy on the Mediterranean Region: Evidence and Analysis

The present working paper aims at assessing the Common Strategy on the Mediterranean, taking into account its possible articulation as a coherent instrument of the European Foreign Policy. The study wants to answer some questions related to this instrument. The Common Strategy on the Mediterranean is an excellent case study and is a potential source of several questions about the external action of the European Union. Specifically, the present study has in mind two main questions to answer. Firstly, which are the main reasons behind the adoption of this instrument of the European Foreign Policy? In other words, which was/is the rationale for the existence of this Common Strategy? Secondly, which is the real impact of the Common Strategy? Which are its real achievements?

The Coherence of the European Foreign Policy: A Real Barrier or an Academic Term?

The purpose of the present study is to break down, in a general and summarised way, the concept of the coherence of the European Foreign Policy, in order to analyse its meaning, its scope and its implications. This focus on coherence will be specifically dealt with upon the analysis of the impact of this phenomenon on single institutional framework, as defined by the Treaty on European Union.

Globalization and the Symphony of the New (Post-modern) World: From Westphalia to Maastricht���passing by Washington DC

Taking on the challenge of understanding and explaining the Symphony of (today���s) New World in realistic terms (not realist), this essay aims to analyse the Post-Cold war era by devising a multi-conceptual framework that combines different theoretical contributions not yet linked in a fully explanatory way. This paper suggests two inter-related analytical contexts (or background melodies) to understand Dvorak��s "New World���. First, the socio-economic structural context that falls under the controversial category of Globalization and, second, the post-modern political structural context that is built on Robert Cooper���s threefold analysis (Pre-modern, Modern and Post-modern) of today���s world [Cooper, R: 1997, 1999]. Lastly, the closing movement (allegro con fuoco) enters the normative arena to assess American foreign policy options in the light of the theoretical framework devised in the first part of the essay.

Entre la irrelevancia internacional y el aprendizaje institucional: La Presidencia Espa��ola de la Uni��n Europea (2010)

El presente volumen es una nueva contribuci��n del Observatorio de Política Exterior Europea (Obs) al an��lisis de la interacci��n entre la política exterior espa��ola y la acci��n exterior de la Uni��n Europea. En esta ocasi��n, el lector se encuentra frente a un ejercicio de balance de la Presidencia espa��ola de la Uni��n Europea del primer semestre de 2010, una presidencia ��nica, que sus mismos protagonistas han definido como presidencia de transici��n. Una transici��n entre el viejo y el nuevo modelo, impuesto por el Tratado de Lisboa, que entr�� en vigor poco antes del inicio de la presidencia rotatoria de Espa��a. El volumen se compone de m��s de 20 cap��tulos, que abordan de manera sistematizada y sucinta los temas fundamentales para entender cu��l ha sido el cometido de Espa��a a la hora de gestionar el papel de Europa en el mundo. El Obs ya ha realizado este tipo de ejercicio en tres ocasiones desde 2002. De ah�� que este ���Entre la irrelevancia internacional y el aprendizaje institucional: La presidencia espa��ola de la Uni��n Europea (2010)��� deba ser entendido como un balance de la presidencia espa��ola al frente de la agenda exterior de la UE, pero tambi��n como un referente para los estudiosos de la política europea de Espa��a, por un lado, o de la acci��n exterior de la UE, por el otro, que se suma a la l��nea de an��lisis seguida por el Obs a lo largo de casi una d��cada de trabajo.

The Role of Parliaments in European foreign policy

This book addresses the debate on the democratic deficit of European foreign and defence policies. This debate revolves around two dimensions. The first one has to do with the accountability of CFSP institutions. Is the current degree of parliamentary oversight of these policies the most appropriate? Has the disengagement of national parliaments regarding European foreign policy been counterbalanced by giving sufficient powers to the European Parliament? And, regarding the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), are national parliaments effectively controlling it? The second dimension of the debate is related to the wider question of whether the European Parliament is capable of legitimising EU policy outcomes. In the absence of a Europe-wide demos and of a true party system, what interests do Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent when dealing with foreign policy issues? Are there transnational cleavages in foreign policy or are they mainly national? Furthermore, is the European Parliament developing a transnational, autonomous stance on foreign policy issues, different from that of the Council or the Commission? The present volume is the result of the 2nd Meeting of the FORNET Working Group on ���Evolution and Accountability of CFSP Institutions��� organised by the Observatory of European Foreign Policy (Research line of the Institut Universitari d���Estudis Europeus), which took place in Barcelona, the 4 and 5 March 2005.