El reciclatge a Cerdanyola del Vallès

Treball de recerca realitzat per alumnes d'ensenyament secundari i guardonat amb un Premi CIRIT per fomentar l'esperit científic del Jovent l'any 2009. La hipòtesi plantejada ha estat si els joves estan més conscienciats que la gent gran en el reciclatge. Per tal de demostrar aquesta hipòtesi s’ha investigat sobre el procés que segueixen els diferents tipus de residus i les diferents estratègies que s'han de seguir per reciclar. Després de buscar informació sobre l'evolució del reciclatge a Cerdanyola es va elaborar un model d'enquesta per saber els diferents hàbits de reciclatge i es van comparar segons les diferents franges d'edat. Aquestes enquestes també van proporcionar informació sobre els problemes que tenen els ciutadans amb el servei de reciclatge a Cerdanyola. Posteriorment es va visitar la deixalleria de la ciutat i es va realitzar una entrevista a l'encarregat d'aquesta. Finalment, cal destacar tota la informació proporcionada per l'alcalde de Cerdanyola sobre la política mediambiental que té el govern local. La hipòtesi contrastada ha resultat certa.

Work values, endogenous sentiments and redistribution

We examine the interactions between individual behavior, sentiments and the social contract in a model of rational voting over redistribution. Agents have moral "work values". Individuals' self-esteem and social consideration of others are endogenously determined comparing behaviors to moral standards. Attitudes toward redistribution depend on self-interest and social preferences. We characterize the politico-economic equilibria in which sentiments, labor supply and redistribution are determined simultaneously. The equilibria feature different degrees of "social cohesion" and redistribution depending on pre-tax income inequality. In clustered equilibria the poor are held partly responsible for their low income since they work less than the moral standard and hence redistribution is low. The paper proposes a novel explanation for the emergence of different sentiments and social contracts across countries. The predictions appear broadly in line with well-documented differences between the United States and Europe.

Política Mundial en Línia

Aquest projecte MQD va servir per crear nou material docent amb un suport digital per a dues assignatures – Política Comparada i Avaluació de la Gestió Pública – en dues llicenciatures diferents – Ciència Política i Periodisme – Un element clau va ser la participació dels estudiants. En ambdós casos, la forma d’ensenyar va canviar de forma substantiva ja que es va dedicar força temps a fer que els estudiants treballessin en el producte final. La principal idea al darrera d’aquesta experiència era que aprenguéssin “fent.” Una altra idea fonamental és que el seu treball es pugui ensenyar per internet a tothom que tingui interès. La utilització d’una pàgina web va donar visibilitat externa al seu treball. Els resultats es poden consultar a http://cpdp.uab.cat/politica/ i http://cpdp.uab.cat/evaluacio/. Aquesta experiència va ser inclosa en el llibre "Cap a l’EEES. Experiències docents innovadores a ciències socials i a ciències humanes" publicat per la UAB.

Work, risk and health: differences between immigrants and natives in Spain

We analyze the impact of working and contractual conditions, particularly exposure to job risks, on the probability of acquiring a disability. We postulate a model in which this impact is mediated by the choice of occupation, with a level of risk associated to it. We assume this choice is endogenous, and that it depends on preferences and opportunities in the labour market, both of which may differ between immigrants and natives. To test this hypothesis we use data from the Continuous Sample of Working Lives of the Spanish SS system. It contains individual, job and firm information of over a million workers, including a representative sample of immigrants. We find that risk exposure increases the probability of permanent disability by 5.3%; temporary employment also influences health. Migrant status -with differences among regions of origin- significantly affects both disability and the probability of being employed in a risky occupation. Most groups of immigrants work in riskier jobs, but have lower probability of becoming disabled. Nevertheless, our theoretical hypothesis that disability and risk are jointly determined is not valid for immigrants: i.e. for them working conditions is not a matter of choice in terms of health.

Cronyism in Business, Public Sector and Politics

This paper contrasts the incentives for cronyism in business, the public sector and politics within an agency problem model with moral hazard. The analysis is focused on the institutional differences between private, public and political organizations. In business, when facing a residual claimant contract, a chief manager ends up with a relatively moderate …rst-best level of cronyism within a …firm. The institutional framework of the public sector does not allow explicit contracting, which leads to a more severe cronyism problem within public organizations. Finally, it is shown that the nature of political appointments (such that the subordinate's reappointment is conditioned on the chief's re-election) together with implicit contracting makes political cronyism the most extreme case. JEL classifi…cation: D72, D73, D86. Keywords: Cronyism; Meritocracy; Manager; Bureaucrat; Politician.

Productivity in southern European small firms: When and how work organization complements process innovation

The aim of this paper is to analyse the effects of human capital, advanced manufacturing technologies (AMT), and new work organizational practices on firm productivity, while taking into account the synergies existing between them. This study expands current knowledge in this area in two ways. First, in contrast with previous works, we focus on AMT and not ICT (information and communication technologies). Second, we use a unique employer-employee data set for small firms in a particular area of southern Europe (Catalonia, Spain). Using a small firm data set, allows us to analyse the particular case of small and medium enterprises, since we cannot assume they have the same characteristics as large firms. The results provide evidence in favor of the complementarity hypothesis between human capital, advanced manufacturing technologies, and new work organization practices, although we show that the complementarity effects depend on what type of work organization practices are used by a firm. For small and medium Catalan firms, the only set of work organization practices that improve the benefits of human capital and technology investment are those practices which are more quality oriented, such as quality circles, problem-solving groups or total quality management.

Contextualizing the impact of work organization on employee satisfaction

The paper assesses the relationship between the use of alternative workplace practices (AWP) and job satisfaction. Using a unique employeremployee data set with rich information on both firm and employee characteristics we test whether there is a positive impact of AWPs on job satisfaction (motivation hypothesis) or it is negative (intensification hypothesis). We expand a growing empirical literature focusing on small and medium size firms from a southern European area. Our results show an overall positive effect, depending on the specific practice considered. We also obtain some sort of time-dependence with the effects turning from negative to positive once the practice has been implemented for some time. Keywords: Job satisfaction, work organization, unobserved heterogeneity.

Comunidad y ciudadanía activa: fenomenología de una ocupación ética en un contexto de inmigración

La teoria i la praxi de la investigació qualitativa actual és hereva de la tradició fenomenològica. L’objectiu de la investigació està relacionat amb la comprensió profunda de les dimensions de l’educació i el treball, així com la seva significació per a les dones i els homes amb històries de vida marcades per la immigració. També, el treball de la investigació actual analitza la construcció de una identitat individual i col•lectiva de les dones i els homes amb una història d’immigració i reflexiona com desenvolupen el seu compromís a través d’una ocupació ètica. Es fa èmfasi en els elements transversals de la cultura i les construccions de gènere dins del domini de treball i educació. El mètode biogràfic narratiu es va utilitzar per estudiar les qüestions plantejades per la investigació. El procés de triangulació de les veus de les dones, els homes i de l’organització participant es va duu a terme per assegurar la validesa dels resultats i es van interpretar els indicadors de la recerca des del marc teòric proposat. A mode de conclusió, el treball es refereix a la formació permanent i considera que la violació del dret a l’educació és un factor que limita les oportunitats d’experimentar aquest tipus d’ocupació i, té efectes en la integritat personal i col·lectiva. Esperem que aquesta investigació pugui contribuir a la política d’immigració de les diferents organitzacions.

Higher education as formation of the self and citizenship: an ethnography of the University Students from Amman, Jordan

My interest in higher education and citizenship in the Middle East at large and in Jordan in particular is fostered by some of the reflections Eickelman proposed (1992). Being a quite recent phenomenon, intimately linked with the more general topic of state formation it seemed to me more suitable to study it in a little country with a recent history (a field study left almost unexplored until now as far as Jordan is concerned, to the best of my knowledge, since Antoun 1994 focuses on the migration as a quest for higher education). The process of state formation in Jordan is quite studied. I thus intended to study the higher education policies as an attempt both to create a national citizenry and more recently as a way of controlling the more problematic part of the population (youth, which constitutes more than the double of the population. See UNDP and Ministry of Planning 2000). How do the young students enter the university system, and in which way does this system work? How is this system designed, in order to retain social control of the students (since they are usually perceived to be a factor of social and political instability, as in Iran or in Egypt)? Is there any significant difference between different faculties? And if so, why? My conclusions at this stage are that the university system is an integral part of the survival of the regime. The system works quite well, and Jordan has one of the best educational position in the region. Yet there are important distinctions to be made: the access to the better faculties is socially selective while the less valued faculties are left to the poorer and less wealthy youth. This results in a different treatment of the students and of the courses that I analysed. In the better faculties the teaching standards are quite high, and the relationship between professors and students is almost on a same-level base, while in the less privileged faculties the opposite is true. Thus we can observe a concrete politics of divide et impera intended to split the youth in two. For the more privileged there are some freedoms, both within and outside classes, designed I guess at forging them as autonomous individuals. On the opposite the less privileged are kept under tight control, even if also these students are a privileged category among youth at large.

La desafecció política : desvinculació amb el sistema democràtic dels ciutadans a Palma de Mallorca

Aquesta recerca analitza la desafecció política que experimenten els ciutadans de Palma de Mallorca, tractada com una desvinculació amb el sistema democràtic que és gestionat pels polítics. La recerca explica el que una mostra de població pensa de la democràcia i de la vida política. Els conceptes principals -desafecció política i sistema democràtic- vehiculen tot el contingut del treball.

Ètica i política : llums i ombres

Aquest treball vol donar una resposta a preguntes com les següents: Per què la política no ha tingut (mai?) ni té gaire bona fama?; realment és incompatible la recerca, la consecució i l'exercici del poder amb els dictats de l'ètica?; què han dit alguns dels pensadors més rellevants sobre la presumptament difícil relació entre l'ètica i la política?

La selva tecnológica: sistemas socitécnicos y antropología simétrica en comunidades ribereñas del Bajo Amazonas

El objetivo de esta tesis es reinterpretar la idea “tecnología” partiendo del ejemplo etnográfico de varias comunidades ribereñas del Bajo Amazonas. La hipótesis que va a defenderse es que si se trasciende la perspectiva técnica y se analiza la “tecnología” desde un punto de vista antropológico, ésta se revela como algo indisociable de otras dimensiones sociales como 1. el cuerpo, 2. el conocimiento local 3. la modernización, 4. la política agraria y 5. la espiritualidad. Los datos etnográficos se han obtenido durante diez meses de trabajo de campo en diversas comunidades ribereñas formadas, principalmente, por población mestiza. La situación híbrida de estos ribereños, que mantienen las técnicas tradicionales indígenas y a la vez se acomodan al influjo de la modernidad, permite tender un puente analítico entre la tecnología amazónica y la tecnología “occidental”. El objetivo teórico que subyace a la propia etnografía es establecer un eje de simetría entre ambos sistemas sociotécnicos, para lo cual se propone evitar la valoración de la tecnología en tanto que instrumento y einterpretarla como estrategia relacional. Partiendo de esa perspectiva analítica, a lo largo de este trabajo se verá cómo la antropología amazónica y la antropología de la tecnología, aparentemente disociadas, confluyen en un cuadro interpretativo según el cual los ribereños del Bajo Amazonas (y si la simetría es correcta, también la población postindustrial), tienden a disolver la clásica distinción naturaleza/cultura en la continuidad relacional generada por sus sistemas tecnológicos.

Evaluation of work-related volatile organic compounds (VOCs) exposition in automotive painting cabins industrial cleanings

Automotive painting cabins are cleaned with several solvents, being great part of them mixtures of volatile organic compounds (VOCs), where the three xylene isomers are the most important constituents. To evaluate the work-related exposition of the cleaners that use these mixtures of solvents, xylenes have been determined in the working ambient air as well as its metabolite, o-m-p-methyl hippuric acid, has been analysed in urine to establish the dermal and respiratory exposition. This evaluation has been done in order to assess the occupational exposure to VOCs and to know the working conditions of the cleaners, but also to evaluate the effectiveness of personal protective equipment (PPE), the engineering control and the work practices.The xylenes have been chosen as indicators of exposition because they are the main components in the cleaning solvents used, with a level of concentration between 50% and 85%.The Xylenes have an occupational exposure limit (8 h TWA) of 50 ppm (221 mg/m3) and a short-term exposure limit (STEL) of 100 ppm (442 mg/m3). On the other hand, the biological exposure index (BEI) for xylenes is the sum of the total methyl hippuric acids in urine at the end of the work-shift, being the value 1500 mg/g creatinine.

Presidents and parties in regional politics: Italy and Spain compared

This article examines the relationship between political parties and regional presidents in Italy and Spain, adopting a comparative case study approach based on extensive archival analysis and in-depth interviews with regional politicians. The findings confirm a strong pattern of growing presidentialism at regional level, regardless of whether there are formal mechanisms for direct election, and regardless of the partisan composition of regional government. Regional presidents tend to exert their growing power through a personalised control of regional party organisations, rather than governing past parties in a direct appeal to the electorate. Nevertheless, parties can still present a significant constraint on regional presidents, so successful regional presidents tend to maintain a mediating form of leadership and fully exploit the opportunities for party patronage to build up their support and smooth governing tensions. An autonomist drive helps presidents hold together disparate coalitions or loose parties at regional level, but their lack of internal coherence presents major problems when it comes to political succession.

The analysis of the framing processes of the Basque peace movement: The way Lokarri and Gesto por la Paz changed society

During more than 20 years organisations like Gesto por la Paz and Lokarri had been trying to change the social approach to violence, instilling values of peace and dialogue. This working paper defends the idea that the work of these two organisations is key to understand the end of ETA violence and the lack of support that political violence has in the Basque Country. It develops the Basque peace frame generated by this movement and explains how this frame is present in the different levels of Basque society, changing the way political collective identities are negotiated in the Basque Country. Ultimately, their effort is to propose another way of doing politics, one where nationalism and violence are not intrinsically united, escaping from the polarization and confrontation that were in place during the 80s-90s.