47 resultados para Jeunes filles en difficulté


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L’èxit de l’iniciativa ciutadana europea (ICE) com a instrument de democràcia directa a nivell europeu està directament relacionat amb la seva promulgació. Els ciutadans d’arreu Europa han d’estar informats sobre aquest nou mecanisme per tal que es dugui a terme, la qual cosa suposa una dificultat. Aquest estudi qualitatiu ens mostra els recursos i problemes en la divulgació de les ICE. Una anàlisi basat en entrevistes amb diferents organitzadors d’aquestes ICE que ens dona algunes idees sobre les seves estratègies de comunicació, així com l’ús d’eines de comunicació i relacions amb els mitjans de comunicació. A banda de les dificultats lingüístiques i financeres hi ha altres obstacles més específics relacionats amb l’ICE.

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Los nuevos hábitos de consumo de medios en el marco de la convergencia digital están propiciando un cambio en las estrategias de los medios de comunicación. Mientras unos usuarios siguen prefiriendo la radio, la televisión y la prensa tradicional para informarse otros participan de la experiencia digital en internet (blogs, redes sociales...) y dispositivos móviles, etc. En este panorama es complicado precisar dónde nace y termina el contenido o hasta qué punto es la participación del usuario quien (re) construye la información; así los contenidos mutan y se diluyen en varios soportes. En este contexto, la prensa local también vive las consecuencias del nuevo paradigma y asume los retos del reacomodo del sector ante la nueva realidad. Esta comunicación presenta las conclusiones del estudio cualitativo con entrevistas en profundidad a los responsables de medios locales en Cataluña sobre sus usuarios, contenidos y soportes en el marco de la convergencia digital.

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La mort i el procés de morir són fets quotidians en les persones grans i, conseqüentment, en els centres sociosanitaris, on bona part de les persones usuàries són d’edat avançada. Tot i que es tracta d’un fenomen natural que s’inclou dins del cicle vital de les persones, en la nostra societat la mort encara provoca rebuig, por, ansietat, tristesa i inquietud. En aquest marc, les estudiants1 d’infermeria són un col·lectiu que poden patir especialment l’impacte de la mort. Primer, perquè com a membres de la societat tenen interioritzat el codi social preestablert envers aquest tema i, segon, perquè durant la seva formació estan en contacte amb persones que estan al final de la vida i poden presenciar vivències de mort. En el primer període de pràctiques dels estudis d’infermeria, les estudiants han de fer front a diverses situacions del dia a dia fins aleshores desconegudes. Els conflictes interpersonals amb l'equip de treball i la inseguretat sobre les habilitats i les competències professionals són alguns dels aspectes que acostumen a viure amb més tensió. Tot i això, el que més impacte els provoca és la cura de les persones al final de la vida. Davant d'una situació de tensió, la persona viu un component estressor, que suposa el punt d’inflexió. A partir d’aquí s’activen els components adaptatius, que és el que emocionalment fa que la persona pugui fer front a aquesta situació estressant. A més, hi ha un component de suport, que són les ajudes que té. Segons com es treballi el component adaptatiu farà que la persona reaccioni en un futur de forma més automàtica i inconscient o, al contrari, que la persona respongui de forma més conscient i intencionada. El present treball està concebut per comprendre quins elements psicosocials – components estressors i components de suport– poden afectar a les estudiants que presencien la vivència de la mort de malalts geriàtrics terminals en el primer període de pràctiques en un centre sociosanitari. S’ha dissenyat un estudi descriptiu transversal quantitatiu, de caràcter exploratori, per tal de descriure la freqüència i algunes característiques psicosocials al voltant de la mort en estudiants d'infermeria en el seu primer període de pràctiques, tant a nivell personal com a nivell professional. La mostra de l'estudi són 65 estudiants, la majoria són dones d'entre els 18 i els 29 anys –més d’un 90%–. Els resultats indiquen que un 80% dels futurs professionals estudiats han patit la mort d’alguna persona significativa al llarg de la seva vida; d'aquests, gairebé un de cada quatre presenta dol complicat. Quant a la vivència de mort en les pràctiques, el 83% l'ha experimentat. Tot i aquest elevat percentatge, no totes les experiències tenen una connotació negativa. En prop de la meitat dels casos, les morts són percebudes com una experiència enriquidora i natural. Els components estressors més impactants que les estudiants han viscut durant les pràctiques per la mort d’alguna persona malalta són: la reacció de la família del finat, el patiment que es genera al seu voltant, algun signe o símptoma físic experimentat pel malalt al final del procés, i la pròpia reacció emocional. Els components de suport expressats són: saber gestionar les pròpies emocions, tenir més formació sobre relació d’ ajuda i empatia, tenir més formació en control de símptomes i comunicació, per atendre usuaris –tant malalts com familiars- i que algú els informés i orientés en el procés. Altres resultats a tenir en compte són que la població estudiada té més preocupació o inquietud per la mort i el procés de morir de la persona estimada i menys per la pròpia mort. A més, tot i que la meitat no hagués escollit geriatria com opció a les primeres pràctiques clíniques, gairebé tot el grup estudiat ho recomanaria després d'haver viscut l'experiència. Les implicacions pràctiques d'aquest estudi porten a pensar que es pot reorientar la informació i preparació que es dóna a les estudiants d’infermeria abans del primer contacte amb la realitat dels centres sociosanitaris, així com també el paper de formació i suport que pot fer tant la persona tutora de pràctiques com les infermeres de referència dels diferents centres. En conclusió, caldria dissenyar estratègies formatives i de suport entorn a la preparació psicològica personal de l’estudiant; entorn a l’acompanyament, les cures pal·liatives i el dol; i valorar la seva eficiència en el futur.

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Aquest estudi té com objectiu observar les relacions entre les estratègies de cura (formal, informal, mixta) que fan servir els cuidadors de persones grans dependents, la seva situació social i les seves motivacions per la decisió respecte a com fan la cura. L’estat del tema destaca el predomini de les cures informals sobre les formals en els models de benestar mediterranis i la rellevància de la interacció entre factors personals socioculturals i les polítiques socials en la presa de decisions individuals sobre la cura de la dependència. La llei de la dependència, de recent implementació a l’Estat espanyol, ha universalitzat l’accés als recursos formals, creant un nou paradigma d’interacció cuidadors-recursos. Es tracta d’un estudi observacional, transversal, descriptiu de tipus mixt quantitatiu/qualitatiu realitzat a partir d’entrevistes individuals als cuidadors de dependents ingressats en una unitat geriàtrica d’atenció intermèdia. Es recullen dades sobre el context sociofamiliar, l’estratègia de cura, l’autopercepció i les motivacions. Els resultats mostren que els cuidadors combinen prestacions econòmiques i serveis (públics i privats) per adaptar al màxim l’estratègia a les condicions del dependent i a les seves pròpies. Tenen la convicció generalitzada que l’atenció cal fer-la al domicili per motius de reciprocitat i respecte a la persona cuidada. El pas a l’atenció residencial és una decisió molt difícil pels cuidadors. La implantació de la llei de la dependència ha normalitzat la relació entre cuidadors i recursos formals, però la burocratització i la insuficiència de l’oferta de serveis no afavoreixen canvis substancials en la provisió de l’ajut, que continua essent majoritàriament informal. La millora en la percepció de continuïtat d’atenció entre el domicili i la residència, i també en la gestió i l’oferta de serveis formals públics es presenten com a reptes de treball importants al nostre país.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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En el artículo se presenta la violencia doméstica como violencia política de género masculino. Se señalan el individualismo, la naturalización y el sexismo en el tratamiento de la violencia y la agresión así como de la identidad, por parte de la psicología tradicional, como factores que dificultan las intervenciones en la violencia doméstica. Los prejuicios, valores y estrategias de la sociedad patriarcal continúan influyendo en ellas. Desde la psicología crítica feminista se propone: a) una comprensión de la subjetividad, la diferencia sexo-género y la violencia como construcciones sociales; b) intervenciones menos autoritarias y que no participen en la reproducción del orden social; c) la incorporación de las resistencias desarrolladas; d) un análisis basado en las relaciones de poder y las prácticas discursivas

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En los productos audiovisuales, el canal oral y el visual transmiten información simultáneamente. Si la coherencia de sentido entre texto e imagen desaparece en el doblaje, el objetivo de verosimilitud no se satisface. En este trabajo analizo y clasifico las incoherencias texto-imagen y aporto posibles soluciones a este recurrente problema.

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El presente trabajo consiste en la traducción y el análisis de un informe sobre la falta de mano de obra cualificada en Alemania publicado en 2012 por el Bundestag. A partir del texto traducido se analizan varios problemas léxicos y gramaticales de la traducción entre el alemán y el español.

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El present estudi de cas se centra en la identificació de les actituds, motivacions i percepcions vers les Tecnologies de la Informació i la Comunicació (TIC) que té el professorat de les escoles La Bressola. Existeix molta documentació del treball en la immersió lingüística de la llengua catalana que fan aquests centres, però no s’ha fet cap estudi que parli de l’ús de les TIC a La Bressola. El constant avenç tecnològic no només implica canvis en la societat, sinó també a nivell educatiu. Per aquest motiu, els docents han d’adaptar-se els nous canvis i saber com integrar els nous recursos digitals dins l’aula per continuar progressant en els processos d’ensenyament i aprenentatge. A través d’una enquesta dirigida al professorat de La Bressola, s’ha vist que els docents de La Bressola mostren una actitud optimista vers l’ús de les TIC, tot i que els principals factors que influeixen per a la bona integració de les eines és la falta de formació i de recursos digitals.

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Los conocimientos sobre la cicatrización han evolucionado de forma importante en las últimas dos décadas. Gracias a ello, actualmente es posible predecir la secuencia probable de acontecimientos que tendrán lugar a lo largo de la cicatrización y pronosticar el tiempo aproximado que tardará una herida, pero a menudo, durante la práctica clínica, y a pesar del mayor conocimiento y desarrollo de intervenciones, muchos profesionales de enfermería se enfrentan a diario ante heridas de difícil cicatrización, es decir, la cicatrización se prolonga en el tiempo o no se llega a alcanzar. Estos esfuerzos pueden provocar al profesional un aumento del estrés psicosocial y ansiedad, convirtiéndose en una carga financiera importante para el sistema de salud, ya de por sí, tan necesitado en los tiempos actuales. Estas heridas complejas siguen siendo en la actualidad un problema prevalente y de especial atención en salud, que afecta a pacientes en todos los niveles asistenciales y de todas las clases sociales. Requieren un compromiso de todos los profesionales de salud respecto a la prevención y atención de las mismas hasta el punto final de la cicatrización, por lo que los profesionales sanitarios, deben potenciar avances y conocimientos que permitan un cambio radical en la atención de estas lesiones.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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Este trabajo presenta el proceso de aprendizaje y evolución del sistema de toma de notas adquirido en el Grado de Traducción e Interpretación. El objetivo consiste en mejorar la técnica adquirida mediante el análisis de varios ejercicios de toma de notas para así desarrollar un sistema consistente y eficiente.

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Este artículo presenta una recopilación y revisión del actual estado de la aplicación de los métodos geofísicos en prospecciones arqueológicas, en España. Se ha revisado la mayor cantidad posible de bibliografía, para se poder hacer un levantamiento de todos los yacimientos arqueológicos españoles estudiados con métodos geofísicos. Es probable que el número de yacimientos investigados por estos métodos es mayor, pero muchas de las intervenciones son inéditas y el acceso a los informes técnicos es difícil, pues su catalogación no es informatizada. Esto dificulta mucho el trabajo, principalmente cuando se trata de obtener informaciones relacionadas a toda España. La catalogación aquí presentada tiene por objetivo investigar hasta donde ha llegado la colaboración entre geofísica y arqueología y establecer un punto de partida para futuros estudios. Los métodos geofísicos son cada vez mas utilizados como una importante herramienta en la arqueología y este trabajo pretende facilitar la base de datos a los investigadores y personas relacionadas a esta área.