En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Toward Synchronous Extensible Dependency Grammar

Extensible Dependency Grammar (XDG; Debusmann, 2007) is a flexible, modular dependency grammarframework in which sentence analyses consist of multigraphs and processing takes the form of constraint satisfaction. This paper shows how XDGlends itself to grammar-driven machine translation and introduces the machinery necessary for synchronous XDG. Since the approach relies on a shared semantics, it resembles interlingua MT.It differs in that there are no separateanalysis and generation phases. Rather, translation consists of the simultaneousanalysis and generation of a single source-target sentence.

Los grandes libros, pequeñas bibliotecas

Todo gran libro lleva dentro una pequeña biblioteca; se hacen visibles sus libros en sus capítulos, sus líneas, sus palabras. Es la biblioteca portátil que llevaba su autor en la mente, en el alma, al escribirlo. Los lectores vamos descubriendo nuestras inquietudes, nuestras obsesiones, en las páginas de los libros que leemos si hay en ellos puentes para que podamos hacerlo. Luego, al hablar, casi sin darnos cuenta, acudimos a palabras, frases, a anécdotas de lo leído para hablar de nuestras ideas, de nuestros sentimientos. El escritor las convierte en carne y sangre de su propio texto. Si tuviéramos a nuestro alcance el fichero de las bibliotecas de los grandes creadores, podríamos comprobar cómo ellos liban de las flores de sus lecturas para sacar de sí la miel y hacer- la palabra escrita. Y sin tener a la vista estas bibliotecas, también podemos a menudo comprobarlo: basta un guiño del texto a otra obra para darnos la pista de lo que llenó un tiempo del escritor.

Género y cultura popular

En uno de los capítulos de Los Simpson, la pequeña Lisa compra, emocionada, la última versión de Stacy Malibú (el equivalente a nuestra Barbie). La novedad consiste en que después de 50 años de existencia, la muñeca habla. Pero para consternación de Lisa, el repertorio de frases es de lo más indignante: "Me encantaría que en la escuela enseñaran a ir de compras", "¡Vamos a hornear unas galletas para los chicos!" o "No me preguntes: sólo soy una chica (risita vacua)". Obviamente, la comprometida y concienciada Lisa no puede quedarse de brazos cruzados y pide a su madre que la lleve a la fábrica de Stacy Malibú para presentar sus quejas. La conversación entre ambas es enormemente reveladora: aunque Marge apoya a su hija e insiste en que siempre defienda sus ideas, considera que quizás está yendo más allá de lo razonable en su denuncia de que toda una generación de niñas se comportará como Stacy Malibú y la tomará como modelo y, finalmente, concluye en tono conciliador: "Yo tuve una Stacy Malibú de pequeña y no me ha pasado nada.¡Vamos a olvidarnos de estos problemas con un gran bol de helado de fresa!". La respuesta de Lisa no deja lugar a dudas; poniendo en funcionamiento a la muñeca y situándola frente a su madre, oímos a Stacy diciendo: "¡Vamos a olvidarnos de estos problemas con un gran bol de helado de fresa!". Huelgan los comentarios.

Género y cultura popular

En uno de los capítulos de Los Simpson, la pequeña Lisa compra, emocionada, la última versión de Stacy Malibú (el equivalente a nuestra Barbie). La novedad consiste en que después de 50 años de existencia, la muñeca habla. Pero para consternación de Lisa, el repertorio de frases es de lo más indignante: "Me encantaría que en la escuela enseñaran a ir de compras", "¡Vamos a hornear unas galletas para los chicos!" o "No me preguntes: sólo soy una chica (risita vacua)". Obviamente, la comprometida y concienciada Lisa no puede quedarse de brazos cruzados y pide a su madre que la lleve a la fábrica de Stacy Malibú para presentar sus quejas. La conversación entre ambas es enormemente reveladora: aunque Marge apoya a su hija e insiste en que siempre defienda sus ideas, considera que quizás está yendo más allá de lo razonable en su denuncia de que toda una generación de niñas se comportará como Stacy Malibú y la tomará como modelo y, finalmente, concluye en tono conciliador: "Yo tuve una Stacy Malibú de pequeña y no me ha pasado nada.¡Vamos a olvidarnos de estos problemas con un gran bol de helado de fresa!". La respuesta de Lisa no deja lugar a dudas; poniendo en funcionamiento a la muñeca y situándola frente a su madre, oímos a Stacy diciendo: "¡Vamos a olvidarnos de estos problemas con un gran bol de helado de fresa!". Huelgan los comentarios.

A hybrid approach to treebank construction

Este artículo describe investigación sobre los efectos de la desambiguación morfosintáctica usada como un preproceso de un analizador sint´actico profundo basado en HPSG, en el contexto del desarrollo de un treebank del español de código abierto, en el entorno de DELPH-IN. La anotación treebank se realiza manualmente tomando las decisiones apropiadas entre las opciones propuestas por el sistema y ordenadas por un módulo estadístico. Los experimentos presentados muestran que el uso de un etiquetador reduce la ambigüedad de las frases, y contribuye a limitar la cantidad de frases cuyo análisis sobrepasa a el límite de tiempo, y ayuda a al m´odulo estadístico a clasificar el árbol correcto entre los n mejores. Por un lado, nuestros resultados validan los beneficios ya reportados en la literatura de tal preproceso de análisis profundo con respecto a la velocidad, cobertura y precisión. Por otro lado, proponemos una estrategia basada en existentes herramientas de código abierto y recursos para desarrollar con alta consitencia treebanks de sintaxis profunda para idiomas con limitada disponibilidad de recursos lingüísticos.

¿El finiquito tiene siempre valor extintivo de la relación labotral?

ENGLISH: It should be distinguished from the socalled 'balance liquidation and termination' three aspects are mixed sometimes creating confusion: The first, referred to repay outstanding accruals, which has a liquidation value, the second consisting of phrases expressing an added discontinuance of the contract value, which joined in the employment relationship with the worker to the employer, and the third, the waiver claim on the grounds that the debts were paid. The signing of cancellation of outstanding accounts or 'liquidation balance' is not the breaking of the employment relationship, but it might be well if you incorporate the unilateral will not flawed and unequivocally expressed the worker. ESPAÑOL: Se deben distinguir de la denominada"liquidación de saldo y finiquito" tres aspectos que en ocasiones aparecen mezclados creando confusión: El primero, referido a saldar devengos pendientes, lo cual tiene un valor liquidatorio; el segundo, consistente en frases añadidas que expresan un valor extintivo del contrato, el cual unía en la relación laboral al empleador con el trabajador, y el tercero, la renuncia a reclamar por considerar que se han satisfecho las deudas. La firma del documento de cancelación de cuentas pendientes o"liquidación de saldo", no supone la ruptura de la relación laboral, pero podría ser así si incorpora la voluntad unilateral no viciada y expresada inequívocamente del trabajador. CATALÀ: Cal distingir de l'anomenada 'liquidació de saldo i quitança' tres aspectes que de vegades apareixen barrejats creant confusió: El primer, referit a saldar meritacions pendents, la qual cosa té un valor liquidador, el segon, consistent en frases afegides que expressen un valor extintiu del contracte, el qual unia en la relació laboral l'ocupador amb el treballador, i el tercer, la renúncia a reclamar per considerar que s'han satisfet els deutes. La signatura del document de cancel·lació de comptes pendents o 'liquidació de saldo', no suposa la ruptura de la relació laboral, però podria ser així si incorpora la voluntat unilateral no viciada i expressada inequívocament del treballador.

Recordar o imaginar

Fem un petit esforç i evoquem el primer record de la nostra infantesa, o què va passar la primera vegada que vam declarar el nostre amor a algú. De ben segur que la ment se'ns omple de sensacions, imatges i paraules, i també de frases mai dites però molts cops pensades. Els records són un catàleg dinàmic d'experiències que des del passat contribueixen a modelar el nostre present. Sovint, però, es basen en allò que ens han explicat o en reinterpretacions posteriors de les nostres vivències. I també som capaços de recordar coses que mai han esdevingut i que únicament hem imaginat, uns falsos records que es poden barrejar amb els veritables. La generació de falsos records és una important àrea d'estudi en psicologia i neurociència, per exemple per les implicacions judicials que té a l'hora de confrontar les diverses declaracions, no sempre coincidents però potser, moltes d'elles, certes des de la perspectiva dels records de cada persona [...].