15 resultados para common foreign
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Thesis submitted to the Faculdade de Cincias e Tecnologia to obtain the Masters degree in Environmental Engineering, profile in Ecological Engineering
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Paper developed for the unit Innovation Economics and Management of the PhD programme in Technology Assessment at the Universidade Nova de Lisboa in 2009-10 under the supervision of Prof. Maria Lusa Ferreira
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Etnogrfica, 15 (2): 313-336
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Paper presented at the 5th European Conference Economics and Management of Energy in Industry, Vilamoura, Algarve. Apr. 14-17, 2009, 11p. URL: http:// www.cenertec.pt/ecemei/
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Dissertao apresentada como requisito parcial para obteno do grau de Mestre em Gesto de Informao
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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA School of Business and Economics
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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA School of Business and Economics
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Trabalho de Projecto apresentado para cumprimento dos requisitos necessrios obteno do grau de Mestre em Didctica Do Ingls
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Tese apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessrios obteno do grau de Doutor em Media Digitais
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The virtuous cycle between development success and foreign policy in Cape Verde reflects a positive interaction between globalization and governance. Development success under globalization entails positive market perceptions regarding the orientation and predictability of policies as well as the accompanying institutional arrangements, thereby making foreign policy salient beyond the comparator group, or aspirational. Even if there is no universally applicable development model, an aspirational foreign policy can be built on positive rankings with respect to comparator groups. In Macedo and Pereira (2010), macrolevel policy and institutional combinations underpinning trade diversification and income convergence in West and Southern Africa are used to establish development success for Cape Verde and Mozambique respectively. Here, the narrative of long-term development helps identify the following drivers: moving towards a market economy; opening up to regional and global trade; increasing economic and political freedom; pursuing macroeconomic stability and financial reputation; ensuring policy continuity (especially in trade and industrial sectors) and focusing on human development (especially poverty reduction and education). Looking at GDP per capita and indicators of financial reputation and good governance of sub-regional peers is not sufficient to conclude that Cape Verdes convergence will be sustained. Nevertheless, the positive interaction between trade and financial globalization, on the one hand, and democracy and good governance, on the other, have positive implications for the effectiveness of foreign policy across the region as well as in the Portuguese-speaking community.
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We assess the determinants of Chinese direct investment in Africa compared with those of global FDI. We find that economic size and macroeconomic stability are positively correlated with Chinese and global FDI in Africa. Institutional variables, such as accountability and rule of law, are not significant in either case and the same can be said about FDI-aid complementarities. The presence of oil is a determinant of Chinese FDI but not of global FDI into Africa. Conversely, the openness of the economy is a determinant for global FDI but not of Chinese FDI, which appears to favour closed economies possibly due to industrial organizational concerns. While these differences accord with intuition, we find no evidence for the claim that Chinese FDI in Africa is related to non-economic governance in a specific way that differs from global practice. More refined governance indicators should be used to verify whether Chinese and global FDI into Africa remain indistinguishable on this score: we plan to do this in future research.
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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA School of Business and Economics
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The term res publica (literally thing of the people) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the good life (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each constitutional type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a mixed and balanced system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the public thing. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his natural counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution with its promise of rupture and change that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as politically virtuous as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a monarchy hedged by republican institutions, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of passive citizens, justified by enlightened, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
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Double Degree. A Work Project presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Master Degree in Management from the NOVA School of Business and Economics and a Master Degree in Business Engineering from Louvain School of Management
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We study how countries of origin affect foreign individuals choice between salaried work and entrepreneurship upon arrival to the host country. Using a change in the Portuguese immigration law we evaluate the impact of reducing regulations on entrepreneurship upon the probability of foreign individuals choose entrepreneurship upon arrival. We find that foreigners from countries more dissimilar to the host country and those from wealthier countries are more likely engage in entrepreneurship upon arrival than those from similar countries. Foreigners from countries outside the European Economic Area, who have to fulfil requirements that are not required to those from countries within this area, are less likely to enter the labor market as entrepreneurs than those from countries within this area. According to our findings reducing legal requirements to foreign entrepreneurship may encourage foreigners to engage in entrepreneurship upon arrival, although such impact is not considerable.
