The MPs of the First Portuguese Republic: A prosopographic study

This paper summarises the results of the first systematic, detailed prosopographic study of the MPs – the deputados of the Lower Chamber - of the First Portuguese Republic (1910-1926). Data are presented both by legislature and for the overall period. Two kinds of background variables are explored: sociodemographic (birthplace, age, education and profession) and political (previous experience in other elite positions). Regime change in 1910 resulted in the replacement of the former political elite by homines novi. Most MPs of the Republican regime were born in small towns and communities, had carried out higher educational studies (with prevalence for law training), were mainly drawn from the professions (practising lawyers and doctors) and the Army, and were elected for the first-time at relatively young ages. Parliamentary turnover was high (two-thirds of the representatives held just one mandate) and a large proportion of MPs had a consistent connection (birth, family ties, occupation) to the constituencies to which they had been elected.

Humor and the framing of the public sphere and public opinion in Portugal (1797-1834)

In his Answer to the Question: What is Enlightenment (1784), Kant puts forward his belief that the vocation to think freely, which humankind is endowed with, is bound to make sure that “the public use of reason” will at last act “even on the fundamental principles of government and the state [will] find it agreeable to treat man – who is now more than a machine – in accord with his dignity”. The critical reference to La Mettrie (1747), by opposing the machine to human dignity, will echo, in the dawn of the 20th century, in Bergson’s attempt to explain humor. Besides being exclusive to humans, humor is also a social phenomenon. Freud (1905) assures that pleasure originated by humor is collective, it results from a “social process”: jokes need an audience, a “third party”, in order to work and have fun. Assuming humor as a social and cultural phenomenon, this paper intends to sustain that it played a role in the framing of the public sphere and of public opinion in Portugal during the transition from Absolute Monarchy to Liberalism. The search for the conditions which made possible the critical exercise of sociability is at the root of the creation of the public sphere in the sense developed by Habermas (1962), whose perspective, however, has been questioned by those who point 2 out the alleged idealism of the concept – as opposed, for example, to Bakhtin (1970), whose work stresses diversity and pluralism. This notwithstanding, the concept of public sphere is crucial to the building of public opinion, which is, in turn, indissoluble from the principle of publicity, as demonstrated by Bobbio (1985). This paper discusses the historical evolution of the concept of public opinion from Ancient Greece doxa, through Machiavelli’s “humors” (1532), the origin of the expression in Montaigne (1580) and the contributions of Hobbes (1651), Locke (1690), Swift (1729), Rousseau (1762) or Hume (1777), up to the reflection of Lippman (1922) and Bourdieu’s critique (1984). It maintains that humor, as it appears in Portuguese printed periodicals from 1797 (when Almocreve de Petas was published for the first time) to the end of the civil war (1834) – especially in those edited by José Daniel Rodrigues da Costa but also in O Piolho Viajante, by António Manuel Policarpo da Silva, or in the ones written by José Agostinho de Macedo, as well as in a political “elite minded” periodical such as Correio Braziliense –, contributed to the framing of the public sphere and of public opinion in Portugal.

O Conselho de Estado na monarquia constitucional: uma reflexão preliminar

This article summarises the transformations in the State Council’s functions and membership throughout the Portuguese Constitutional Monarchy, and makes a preliminary attempt to scrutinise the political role played by an institution designed since its inception to advise the monarch. In spite of the parsimony of contemporary sources, and even contradictory empirical evidence, it seems indisputable that in several critical occasions the monarch’s political decisions were influenced by the dominant view in the State Council. Finally, the article presents the collective biography of the 73 individuals appointed to the State Council between 1833 and 1910 – who may be defined as the inner circle of the ruling elite - focusing on basic background features (birthplace, age, education, occupation, noble titles and political experience).

The Portuguese Administrative Elite, 1851-1910

The aim of this article is to examine the composition and patterns of recruitment of the ministries’directors-general, as well as to assess the interconnections between bureaucracy and politics, from the beginnings of Regeneração (1851) until the breakdown of Monarchy (1910). The post of director-general was considered one of “political trust”, that might be filled by individuals from outside the civil service, and the selection and de-selection of officeholders depended exclusively on the ministers’ will. Nonetheless, most directors-general were experienced bureaucrats, boasting a steady career as civil servants, and remained in office for long terms, regardless of ministerial discontinuities. In other words, High Administration became relatively immune to party-driven politics. Due to their professional background and lengthy tenure, directors-general were usually highly skilled specialists, combining technical expertise and practical knowledge of the wheels of state bureaucracy. Hence, they were often influential actors in policy-making, playing an active (and sometimes decisive) part behind the scenes, in both designing and implementing government policies. As regards their social profile, directors-general formed a cohesive and homogeneous elite group: being predominantly drawn from urban middle class milieus, highly educated, and appointed to office in their forties.

As mulheres na elite parlamentar: o paradoxo moçambicano

O propósito do presente trabalho é analisar o acesso da mulher no parlamento moçambicano, e tentar explicar a razão do bom desempenho em atingir um alto número de deputadas e qual é o grau da sua participação na política. Nos últimos vinte anos, em consequência da democracia que se fez sentir em todos os cantos do mundo, tem-se assistido ao alargamento do espaço para uma maior participação política dos cidadãos nos processos de tomada de decisão em todos os níveis. Igualmente, assistiu-se a integração de novas perspectivas de participação política do cidadão, dentro as quais, a perspectiva orientada para factores de género, como uma maneira de entender a relação e interacção entre homens e mulheres na esfera política. Os diferentes processos de transição política que marcaram o continente africano nos finais dos anos 80 e início dos anos 90, possibilitaram a abertura para uma maior participação do cidadão nos processos políticos, económicos, sociais, porém, alguns estudos, indicam que tal abertura ainda não está a produzir mudanças no que concerne à eliminação das desigualdades entre homens e mulheres na participação política. Os homens ainda continuam a ocupar lugares de destaque nos centros de tomada de decisão em relação às mulheres, o que nos permite concluir que ainda existem discrepâncias nas relações entre homens e mulheres, bem como no espaço de tomada de decisão. O número crescente de mulheres a cargos de direcção e chefia, bem como, o seu envolvimento e participação na tomada de decisões a vários níveis, fazem parte dos resultados das acções empreendidas pelo governo e pela sociedade civil para o avanço da mulher e equilíbrio das relações de género. O que permite perceber o reconhecimento da importância de envolver as mulheres nos processos de tomada de decisão a todos os níveis. VI Moçambique tem uma alta percentagem de mulheres parlamentares (39,2%), cenário que de acordo com Agência Sueca de Desenvolvimento Internacional (ASDI) 2005, um dos motivos deve-se ao sistema de quotas adoptado pelo partido FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) que prevê que a mulher deve perfazer um terço das candidaturas. Factor este que em 2005, fez com que Moçambique atingisse 30% nos órgãos de decisão conforme o recomendado pela Commonwealth. O acesso ao poder e a participação da mulher no parlamento moçambicano contribui para trazer mudanças nas relações de género, assim como na definição de políticas e estratégias que visam uma maior emancipação da mulher. No entanto, este reconhecimento não se expressa ainda num real acesso e exercício político por parte das mulheres, pois estas ainda enfrentam uma série de barreiras a nível familiar, comunitário e institucional para aceder ao espaço político. Mesmo nos cenários em que elas acedem ao espaço político não fazem o uso devido de modo a influenciar os processos e agendas políticas para a necessidade de incorporar aspectos de género, ou orientados para o esforço das capacidades de participação das mulheres. A participação da mulher no parlamento não pode ser medida apenas em termos do número de mulheres que fazem parte do parlamento, esses números, não podem ser tomados como sinónimo de melhoria generalizada dos direitos e oportunidades das mulheres.

A construção do estado liberal. Elite política e burocracia na "Regeneração" (1851-1890)

Quem governa ? Qual a configuração e dinâmica da burocracia ? Sinteticamente, estas duas questões enunciam os objectivos principais da presente investigação sobre o sistema politico administrativo no Portugal oitocentista. No essencial, o âmbito cronológico do nosso estudo coincide com os limites temporais da "Regeneração ", no sentido lato do termo, isto e, com o novo ciclo liberal que tem como acto fundador o pronunciamento militar üsaldanhista" de finais de Abril de 1851 e se prolonga até à crise de 1890. comummente identificada pela historiografia portuguesa como um momento crucial de viragem. Este período de cerca de quarenta anos singulariza- se pela combinação de três aspectos fundamentais. Por um lado, tratou-se de uma época de relativa acalmia politica e social - apenas seriamente ameaçada na conjuntura critica de 1868 a 1871 -, durante a qual as manifestações de conflito violento, que tinham marcado a fase inicial do liberalismo, cederam o lugar às formas de conflito regulado. Esta alteração do tipo dominante de conflito, associada à institucionalização dos mecanismos e processos do sistema de "governo representativo", resultou da afirmação de uma lógica de compromisso (a "politica dos acordos") entre as várias parcialidades ou coligações rivais da elite, que implicava a subordinação da luta politica às regras da competição pacifica e a garantia de expectativas credíveis de alternância no poder. Em larga medida, essa transformação não teria sido possível sem uma ampla renovação do pessoal politico dirigente. Por outro lado, correspondeu a uma etapa decisiva na consolidação do aparelho burocrático do Estado liberal, que se traduziu numa dinâmica de expansão e modernização das estruturas e meios de administração. Finalmente, foi um ciclo marcado por importantes "melhoramentos materiais· e um razoável crescimento económico. embora à custa de um elevado endividamento público. Ocupando as principais posições de comando na hierarquia formal de poder e. como tal, intervindo activamente na construção das instituições e regulam o curso da vida colectiva, na elaboração das normas que as elites politicas são um dos actores centrais em todos os processos de mudança social, independentemente da avaliação positiva ou negativa do seu protagonismo histórico . Por essa razão. o estudo da sua formação e composição ou da sua acção transformadora constituem importantes eixos temáticos da investigação em sociologia politica.

“We are azorean”: discourses and practices of folk culture in Santa Catarina (Brazil)

Etnográfica, Vol. IX, N.1, pp. 171-193

Local political elites and the Revolution: Portalegre 1941-1997

Who directs local politics? Which social and professional groups directed city and village councils in Portugal? What was their evolution and behaviour for the second half of the twentieth century, during the final years of the Estado Novo and the political transition provided by the Revolution of April 25th, 1974?

Treasury bond returns and U.S. political cycles

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Finance from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Martim Afonso de Sousa e a sua linhagem: a elite dirigente do Império Português nos reinados de D. João III e D. Sebastião

Tese de doutoramento em História, Especialidade História dos Descobrimentos e da Expansão Portuguesa

Migrant networks and political participation in Mozambique

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Health expenditures in the OECD: A political economy analysis using structural breaks

A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics

Portuguese Ministers, 1851-1999: Social Background and Paths to Power

Disponível em: http://193.136.113.6/Opac/Pages/Search/Results.aspx?SearchText=UID=bb8aa8d5-c6b6-466a-81bb-fe8a67693cee&DataBase=10449_UNLFCSH

De serviteurs de l´Etat à représentants élus. Les parlementaires originaires du secteur public en Europe

This article aims at testing empirically the relevance of the State/civil society dichotomy commonly used by political theorists through the question of the specific weight of MPs having a public sector background in Europe. It uses the DATACUBE data set in order to show that such an opposition is only relative because of the specific weight of the public sector in the parliamentary elite considered in a long-term perspective. The article focuses on the dynamics of this relevance and introduces nuances regarding variations across countries, sub-categories within the public sector and political parties.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.