16 resultados para Opposition coalitions
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In this thesis we propose to examine the first half of the Phaedrus (sc. until the end of the palinode) in light of the opposition between the notions of μανία and φρονεῖν, as they are explicitly and implicitly presented in the erotic speeches. These are read in dialogue with what we have designated as the “implicit speech” or “speeches”, i.e., the plurality of conceptions regarding ἔρως, μανία and φρονεῖν that were part of Ancient Greek culture. Our reading of the two speeches against ἔρως, Lysias’ and Socrates’ first speech, engages with this cultural background, and extracts a conception of μανία and φρονεῖν with which the palinode will primarily confront. Our reading of the palinode divides it into two sections: the first, the presentation of the first three kinds of beneficial μανία; the second, the mythical narrative that deals with erotic μανία. We emphasise the existence of a wide gulf between these two moments in terms of their ontological, theological and anthropological conceptions. The second section of the palinode is revolutionary not only in contrast with the “implicit speech” and the speeches against ἔρως, but also in contrast with the very beginning of the palinode – which preserves many of the conceptions and assumptions found in the previous speeches and in the cultural tradition. It is in order to explain the foundation, meaning and significance of this gulf that we explore and discuss the notion of ὑπόθεσις and its role as an implicit operator in the Phaedrus. From our reading of the second part of the palinode, it is clear how the introduction of the ὑπερουράνιος τόπος brings about a radical revision of the perspectives on the nature of reality and on human nature and condition that were implicit in the previous speeches and in the first part of the palinode. We show that the ὑπερουράνιος τόπος corresponds to the projection of a multiplicity of cognitive and desiderative requirements that our normal perspective demands, but cannot possibly satisfy. In other words, our perspective is shown to be living beyond its means, yearning for something that by far exceeds what it can get in its de facto condition: the superlative. This results in a major revision of the understanding of φρονεῖν and μανία – a revision that challenges the traditional understanding of these two notions as binary opposites, thereby revealing a much more complex landscape.
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This note deals with the stratigraphical and paleontological study of the Palença section on the southern bank of the river Tagus, Portugal, and specially with its coccolithophorids. Three main lithostratigraphical units may be recognized: the lowest one does correspond to the upper part of COTTER's division II, the intermediate one to divisions III and IV-a, the third corresponding to pratically the whole division IV-b, However other and higher levels are also represented. Higher beds are also represented in the same sections; they are less well exposed and were not studied in detail. Caracterisation of biozones on the basis of Coccoliths so far found at Palença section is difficultsince MARTINI's zones have been defined mainly by forms of Discoaster and other genera that are wanting. However we can recognize that the richest assemblage (from beds 17-18, the uppermost layers of blue clays IV-a) may correspond to NN4. This is not in opposition to the results of the study of planctonic foraminifera, that are characteristic of BLOW's N7. Coccoliths from lower beds do not allow at present any valid comparisons.
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Dissertation submitted for a PhD degree in Electrical Engineering, speciality of Robotics and Integrated Manufacturing from the Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia
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Information Society plays an important role in all kinds of human activity, inducing new forms of economic and social organization and creating knowledge. Over the last twenty years of the 20th century, large investments in telecommunication networks were made to approach economies and put an end to the asymmetries. The most isolated regions were the beneficiaries of this new technological investment’s wave disseminating trough the territories. The new economic scenarios created by globalisation make high capacity backbones and coherent information society polity, two instruments that could change regions fate and launch them in to an economic development context. Technology could bring international projection to services, products and could be the differentiating element between a national and an international economic strategy. So, the networks and its fluxes are becoming two of the most important variables to the economies. Measuring and representing this new informational accessibility, mapping new communities, finding new patterns and localisation models, could be today’s challenge. In the physical/real space, location is defined by two or three geographical co-ordinates. In the network/virtual space or in cyberspace, geography seems incapable to define location, because it doesn’t have a good model. Trying to solve the problem and based on geographical theories and concepts, new fields of study came to light. Internet Geography is one example. In this paper and using Internet Geography and informational cartography, it was possible to observe and analyse the spacialisation of the Internet phenomenon trough the distribution of the IP addresses in the Portuguese territory. This work shows the great potential and applicability of this indicator to regional development studies, and at the same time. The IP address distribution of Country Code Top Level Domains (.pt for Portugal) could show the same economic patterns, reflecting territorial inflexibility or, by opposition, new regional hierarchies. The spatial concentration or dispersion of top level domains seems to be a good instrument to analyse the info-structural dynamic and economic development of a territory, especially at regional level. At the same time it shows that information technologies are essential to innovation and competitive advantage.
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A PhD Dissertation, presented as part of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy from the NOVA - School of Business and Economics
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A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics
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This article aims at testing empirically the relevance of the State/civil society dichotomy commonly used by political theorists through the question of the specific weight of MPs having a public sector background in Europe. It uses the DATACUBE data set in order to show that such an opposition is only relative because of the specific weight of the public sector in the parliamentary elite considered in a long-term perspective. The article focuses on the dynamics of this relevance and introduces nuances regarding variations across countries, sub-categories within the public sector and political parties.
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This paper examine the purpose of rehabilitation while main purpose of imprisonment application, and the divergence between its central role assumed in legislation and what is being practiced in the institutional dimension. This study aims to determine the expected outcome of this dialectical opposition, in pursuit of preventive purposes that guide the criminal reactions of Portuguese criminal - legal system. To this end, the sentence of imprisonment shall be framed in the main politico- criminal traits of our country, analyzing the standards and principles that underlie and underpin our legal – criminal system. The guiding principles of the prison sentence and the respective legislation will be presented, such as the prison system and treatment provided to achieve the above desideratum. Finally material factors and legislative contradictions that oppose the rehabilitation in prisons will be presented. The dissertation does not intend to expose the solution to this paradox insurmountable, but rather present the main factors that hinder the achievement of the objectives intended to be achieved with the prison sentence.
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This report presents a case study to be used in courses of negotiation in masters and executive programs. The case studies the topics of the coalitions´ formation and stability from a negotiation analysis perspective, linking it to value creation. Moreover, it illustrates the problem of western companies investing in the Chinese market. The methodology utilized was the construction of a negotiation case, inspired by a real negotiation in the Consumer Electronics industry. Its purpose is to illustrate the value creation problems in coalitions. It is concluded that by maximizing value creation, negotiating parties are more likely to obtain stable coalitions
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The obligate intracellular bacterium Chlamydia trachomatis is a human pathogen of major public health significance. Strains can be classified into 15 main serovars (A to L3) that preferentially cause ocular infections (A-C), genital infections (D-K) or lymphogranuloma venereum (LGV) (L1-L3), but the molecular basis behind their distinct tropism, ecological success and pathogenicity is not welldefined. Most chlamydial research demands culture in eukaryotic cell lines, but it is not known if stains become laboratory adapted. By essentially using genomics and transcriptomics, we aimed to investigate the evolutionary patterns underlying the adaptation of C. trachomatis to the different human tissues, given emphasis to the identification of molecular patterns of genes encoding hypothetical proteins, and to understand the adaptive process behind the C. trachomatis in vivo to in vitro transition. Our results highlight a positive selection-driven evolution of C. trachomatis towards nichespecific adaptation, essentially targeting host-interacting proteins, namely effectors and inclusion membrane proteins, where some of them also displayed niche-specific expression patterns. We also identified potential "ocular-specific" pseudogenes, and pointed out the major gene targets of adaptive mutations associated with LGV infections. We further observed that the in vivo-derived genetic makeup of C. trachomatis is not significantly compromised by its long-term laboratory propagation. In opposition, its introduction in vitro has the potential to affect the phenotype, likely yielding virulence attenuation. In fact, we observed a "genital-specific" rampant inactivation of the virulence gene CT135, which may impact the interpretation of data derived from studies requiring culture. Globally, the findings presented in this Ph.D. thesis contribute for the understanding of C.trachomatis adaptive evolution and provides new insights into the biological role of C. trachomatishypothetical proteins. They also launch research questions for future functional studies aiming toclarify the determinants of tissue tropism, virulence or pathogenic dissimilarities among C. trachomatisstrains.
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A problemática do recurso à luta armada para derrubar a ditadura em Portugal gerou discussões, debates e rupturas no seio da oposição portuguesa muito antes de terem surgido as primeiras organizações que realizaram acções armadas. Foi no rescaldo da campanha para as eleições presidenciais de 1958, perante o apoio popular à campanha de Humberto Delgado, candidato da oposição, e a constatação da dimensão da fraude eleitoral, que ocorreram as primeiras discussões acerca da inevitabilidade recorrer à violência armada para derrubar a ditadura. Porém, apenas na década de 70 as circunstâncias políticas, económicas e sociais no país favorecem o aparecimento de outras organizações armadas. Os quase dez anos de guerra colonial tinham desgastado o regime e as manifestações contra a guerra eram cada vez maiores, com o numero de desertores e refractários a crescer de ano para ano. Ao mesmo tempo, o pais ia-se industrializando e terciarizando; assistia-se ao crescimento da classe média, da escolarização, da emigração e a uma mudança de mentalidade, trazida pelo acesso cada vez maior ao que se passava no mundo. Seria neste contexto que as formas tradicionais de oposição, baseadas em manifestações pacíficas e abaixo-assinados, são sentidas como ultrapassadas e ineficazes e começam a proliferar as organizações marxistas-leninistas que teorizavam sobre a luta armada e concebiam planos de acções armadas contra o regime, aumentando o número daqueles que defendiam que o regime só cairia com o recurso à violência. Em 1967, a LUAR, levava a cabo a primeira acção armada contra o regime, o assalto à agência do Banco de Portugal na Figueira da Foz, para obter dinheiro que seria utilizado no financiamento de futuras acções armadas. Em 1970, o Partido Comunista Português, depois de um prolongadíssimo período de maturação, avançava com a ARA que levou a cabo a primeira acção em Outubro desse ano, a sabotagem ao navio Cunene que participa da logística de apoio à guerra colonial. Em 1971, foram as Brigadas Revolucionárias que desencadearam a primeira acção, um atentado bombista contra o Quartel da Nato na Fonte da Telha. Até ao 25 de Abril de 1974, várias acções armadas seriam cometidas por estas organizações, com a particularidade de apenas atingirem o aparelho repressivo e militar do regime, e de seguirem o princípio irredutível de não fazer vítimas mortais entre os civis. O 25 de Abril de 1974, corresponderia ao epílogo de um processo de contestação armada ao Estado Novo que foi acelerando nos seus derradeiros anos.
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RESUMO - As organizações de saúde, para além de muito complexas, sofrem a influência de importantes mudanças em curso nos sistemas de saúde, em que se integram, e que constituem novos desafios, com reflexos na sua gestão. Por isso se espera, cada vez mais, dos seus gestores uma atitude proactiva e inovadora, o que exige que o processo educativo conducente à formação dos gestores nesta área valorize, para além de conhecimentos técnicos aprofundados, outras dimensões de um futuro exercício: desde a capacidade de liderança em organizações em mudança, em cenários instáveis, à disponibilidade para suscitar a colaboração dos profissionais prestadores, passando pela faculdade de criação de coligações que facilitem processos de integração multidisciplinar e plurinstitucional, pela sensibilidade à relação qualidade/custo em ambientes de constrangimento financeiro e pela promoção da inovação. O presente artigo analisa duas questões subjacentes a um bom exercício e que atravessam a concepção de qualquer processo formativo em gestão: • A competência, que deverá ser o objectivo maior da formação em gestão; • A integração da aprendizagem enquanto elemento condicionante da angariação das aptidões necessárias.
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A permanently changing occidental society framework, simultaneously, to a world Globalization and a market liberalization, requires to know how important and which role the agents plays, in Estates representation, to guarantee their own intern security. Portugal is an example of that since has been integrated in European and world politics that allowed the borders opening, with all the negative consequences of that kind of measures. In way to struggle with those debilities emerge, in our Juridical Order, several security forces such as Prison Guards Corporation, whose contribute to intern security seems undefined and confuse, being urgent legislation in way to describe and clearly define their goals and functions. We begin with a brief history view to understand the evolution, focusing on the present moment, correlate several laws in way to clarify their juridical situation. Using a own critical sense, it draws attention to legislation lack problem in opposition to the conclusion that, Prison Guards Corporation is a security force with specialized expertise in matter and territory fields. Their activity occurs, generally, in penitentiaries where people see themselves without their freedom, legally determinated and confined to places as other individuals with deviant behaviors that deserve society refutation, establishing a separation period having rehabilitation as a goal – it is called general and special prevention. Penitentiaries specificities requires specially police force because penitentiaries are places where tensions are often, both between inmates and against employees, above all prison guards, the first to struggle inmates daily frustrations. In way that institutions achieve their purpose, it is necessary that citizens respect all the rules, although, to their efficacy is necessary to inflict punishment to those who did not respect the rules. Furthermore, it will be indispensable to act immediately in situations as impeding runaway helping, illegally standing in jail and to avoid violent acts against personal and patrimonial belongings. Juridical Order has a few security tools that are available to administration, in which is included coercive methods, that as damaging to citizens in whom they are use, are restricted, unavoidably, to inflexible control rules. Concluding, Prison Guards and Penitentiaries General Direction last goal is to give back recovered inmates to society, in a way to conduct their lives responsibly, without committing crimes.
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A presente dissertação demonstra a evolução da organização clandestina do PCP ao longo do período ditatorial português do Século XX (1926-1974). Tendo em conta o período de clandestinidade de um partido de oposição à ditadura como foi o PCP, importa verificar como ao longo dos anos o partido adaptou a sua organização à conjuntura política interna e externa. Estudar o PCP na clandestinidade é certamente abordar a capacidade de recuperação de uma organização política sujeita à frequente repressão e violência política. A organização clandestina do PCP, apesar de passar por períodos de maior ou menor crescimento orgânico, teve uma estratégia de organização das suas casas clandestinas que foi variando ao longo do período de tempo abordado nesta dissertação.
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As transformações operadas no mundo contemporâneo, em especial no que respeita às estruturas do poder, à sua maior autonomização e diferenciação, tiveram particulares reflexos ao nível dos Parlamentos e das funções que prosseguem. Desde a sua origem, no passado século XIII, à atualidade, grandes acontecimentos, clivagens e factos históricos estão presentes na sua linha evolutiva. A democratização do regime parlamentar e a legitimidade outorgada através de eleições democráticas e concorrenciais são um marco ímpar na sua história. A complexidade das sociedades hodiernas catapultou o Poder Executivo em detrimento do Parlamento, enquanto órgão legislativo por excelência. Tal circunstancialismo levou, não ao proclamado declínio dos Parlamentos, mas a reformas estruturantes. Outras e mais importantes funções seriam prosseguidas. Se as iniciativas legislativas e a definição das políticas públicas passaram a ser quase um exclusivo do Governo, havia que desenvolver e ampliar, por parte dos Parlamentos, os instrumentos de controlo, fiscalização e escrutínio da ação governativa. Entre os clássicos instrumentos de controlo avulta o Inquérito Parlamentar, materializado em Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito, dotadas de poderes especiais para recolha de informação e para investigação. No seu percurso parlamentar, também as Comissões de Inquérito foram sendo alvo de constantes aperfeiçoamentos, de ordem constitucional, legal e regimental. A excessiva partidarização da atividade parlamentar de outrora e sobretudo a confusão entre o governo e o partido que o sustentava a nível parlamentar, o confronto desequilibrado de meios entre as maiorias e as minorias, levaram a um reposicionamento do inquérito parlamentar enquanto garante do direito das minorias. Não sendo expectável que as grandes iniciativas de controlo sejam tomadas pelo partido maioritário, cabe à oposição esse papel. Em Portugal, diminuta era a tradição do instituto do inquérito parlamentar, razão porque foi efémera e sem resultado a sua utilização no tempo da monarquia constitucional. O regime democrático, abraçado com o 25 de abril de 1974, relançou o órgão de soberania Parlamento e estabeleceu prioridades. Até ao amadurecimento da democracia viveram-se tempos mais conturbados mas de grande aprendizagem. O inquérito Parlamentar, a partir da revisão constitucional de 1982, passou conceptualmente a integrar um dos meios mais relevantes da fiscalização política. É, pois, o levantamento exaustivo e a análise das Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito no Portugal democrático, período de 1976-2015, o objetivo a que nos propomos neste estudo.