De Rousseau ao Imaginário da Revolução de 1802

Cultura Moderna e Contemporânea, n.3

Emergência e declínio do piano na vida quotidiana madeirense (1821‐1930)

Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Doutor em Ciências Musicais

Os Dízimos no Final do Antigo Regime: aspectos económicos e sociais (Minho, 1820-1834)

Dissertação de Mestrado em História dos Séculos XIX-XX (secção do século XIX)

Invertebrados y micropaleontología en la evolución de la Cuenca del Guadalquivir (España) y la Plataforma del Algarve (Portugal)

Based upon the depositional sequences in the Guadalquivir basin and the bio-events defined (foraminifera and nanoplancton) we present the synthesis of the paleontological results in correlation with the Neogene of Algarve (Portugal). We present the most representative outcrops for micropaleonlologic results, as well as paleoenvironmental correlations between Algarve and the Guadalquivir basin.

Estudio preliminar de los sistemas fluviales cenozoicos de la Cuenca del Guadiana entre Mérida y Badajoz (España)

A sequência estratigráfica cenozóica da bacia do Guadiana entre Mérida e Badajoz está representada por depósitos de leque aluvial e fluviais. Neste trabalho apresenta-se urna primeira descrição de duas das unidades de preenchimento da bacia. A primeira corresponde a sedimentos de idade miocénica que se encaixaram nos depósitos de Ieque aluvial, que os antecedem, desenvolvendo um sistema fluvial com urna direcção principal E-W, caracterizado pela presença de barras e canais arenosos associados a níveis edáficos, com fraco desenvolvimento da planície de inundação. A segunda unidade, de idade pliocénica, representa a instalação de uma nova rede de drenagem que se sobrepõe e erode os sedimentos miocénicos. A direcção principal entre Mérida e Badajoz continua a ser E-W, para inflectir para o S em Badajoz. As facies pliocénlcas são essencialmente conglomeráticas e arenosas, correspondendo a canais móveis e barras formadas em consequência de processos de migração e encaixe da rede fluvial. Ambos os sistemas fluviais representam parte da evolução do preenchimento da bacia do Guadiana desde o Miocénico até ao Plio-Quaternário, sendo as principais diferenças entre ambos interpretadas como devidas a modificações tectónicas pre-quaternárias na região.

Los riesgos tecnológico-sanitários em Cantabria (España)

Trabalho de projecto apresentada como requisito parcial para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência e Sistemas de Informação Geográfica

Virtuosismo para instrumentário de sopro em Lisboa (1821-1870)

Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciências Musicais

O conceito de representação nas cortes portuguesas no séc. XIX ou representação política um conceito a rever

Quando se chegou, em Portugal, a iniciar toda a problemática constitucional, foi importante encontrar pessoas que pela sua posição social, económica e intelectual pudessem oferecer confiança a quem neles delegasse a sua vontade. A ideia de representação, de falar por .., de obter justiça, de fazer valer os direitos de..., foi uma forma nova da ideia de democracia. Depois de uma longínqua e esquecida participação directa, na democracia à grega, surgira essa nova ideia de representação na Inglaterra, nos Estados Unidos da América, na França ou já anteriormente nos Países Baixos. Lentamente se foi inventando esse conceito de representação, que se opunha às práticas políticas de antigo regime, mesmo em instituições que ao longo de séculos mantiveram alguma prática de escolha ou de actos eleitorais. As Câmaras Municipais, as Misericórdias, as Universidades (em alguns casos), os Grémios ou Guildas, alguns Colégios ou instituições de caridade puderam manter uma prática de formação de executivos através de um certo ritual de eleições ou de escolha. Mas essa prática passava-se entre iguais, entre sócios fundadores, entre membros restritos de certas camadas sociais ou económicas - e não tinha a noção nova de representação, antes e apenas o de mandato.

Simbología de lo femenino en las representaciones de híbridos en mosaicos romanos de España y Portugal

Universidad Carlos III de Madrid

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Recensão: C. Cosmen Alonso; M. V. Herráez Ortega; M. P. Gómez-Calcerrada, (coord.), El intercambio artístico entre los reinos hispanos y las cortes europeas en la baja edad media

Recensão de: C. Cosmen Alonso; M. V. Herráez Ortega; M. P. Gómez-Calcerrada, (coord.). 2009. El intercambio artístico entre los reinos hispanos y las cortes europeas en la baja edad media. León: Universidad de León