An Ethos Theory of Party Positions on European Integration: Poland and Beyond

Since 1989, five parliamentary elections have been the stage for the foundation and demise of political parties aspiring to govern the new democratic Polish state. The demise of the AWS before the 2001 elections after ten years of attempts to create a centre-right core party resulted in a new splintering of the right-wing, and the centre-right became again devoid of a pivotal formation. While Eurosceptic parties in average gain 8 percent of the vote, in the 2001 Polish parliamentary elections Eurosceptic parties gained around 20 percent of the vote. In Poland right-wing parties show an unusual propensity for Euroscepticism. The persistence and increased importance of nationalism in Poland, which has prevented the development of a strong Christian democratic party, effectively explains the levels of Euroscepticism on the right. After the autumn 2005 parliamentary elections the national conservative party, Law and Justice, formed a governing coalition with the national Catholic League of Polish Families, creating one of the first Eurosceptic governments. Although this work does not intend to provide a theorisation of party systems development, it shows that the context of European integration fostered nationalists’ divisiveness of, and provoked the splitting of the right the unusual propensity of parties for Euroscepticism makes Poland a paradigmatic case of the kind of conflicts over European integration emerging in Central and Eastern European party systems.

Henri Tintant face au problème "Science et Foi"

From an early age Henri Tintant was conforted with the problematic relationships between Science and Faith. After a traditional religious education, he took responsabilities within groups of teenagers and adults through scouting and the J. E. C. (an organisation of catholic students). In 1940 he was at Montpellier distributing unauthorised leaflets defending religious faith. But more significant is his intellectual contribution. He was an active and inspiring member of several workshops and in one in particumar initiated by the Catholic University of Lyon entitled : "From Naturalist to Theologians" where he would start a very fruitful and compelling intellectual collaboration with Father Gustave Martelet a jesuit theologian and a strong supporter of a permanent dialog with the scientists. Throughout the years they will gradually come to the conclusion of a necessary synergy between the scientific and the theologic approach when dealing with the mystery of religious faith . Even in the last months of his life, Henri Tintant was writing to his friendon the subject, with the same profound religious faith that brought him the serenity and the open mindness he has showed throughout his teaching and scientific career. His legacy will remain in two of his last thoughts: "Almost 50 years of scientific research have brought me a lot of pleausures and satisfactions but no answer to the essential questions. In my personal case, science and researching have not driven me away from my religious faith, on the contrary the helped me in my awareness of its utmost necessity". "Faithful to my religious belief, I am convinced that with the death, the inevitable human destiny, not everything disapears completely but another form of live, unimaginable for our limited minds, emerges, bearing in itself the perfect realization of all our hopes and desires".

THE ISLAMIC POLICY OF PORTUGUESE COLONIAL MOZAMBIQUE, 1960-1973

Drawing its information from different documents in Portuguese and French archives, this article examines the evolution of Portuguese colonial policies regarding Islam, focusing the special case of Mozambique. Such policies evolved from an attitude of neglect and open repression, prevalent in the early years of the colonial war, when Muslims were perceived as main supporters of the anti-colonial guerrilla in northern Mozambique, to a more nuanced approach that tried to isolate ‘African Muslims’ from foreign influences in order to align them with the Portuguese combat against the anti-colonial movement. The article analyses the latter strategy, assessing its successes and failures and the contributions made by several actors that were engaged in this achievement: the Catholic Church, the core of political power and its local ramifications in the colonies.

Islão transnacional e os fantasmas do colonialismo português

Este artigo examina a forma como as políticas colónias portuguesas de enquadramento do Islão na Guiné e em Moçambique evoluíram de uma representação do muçulmano como ameaça para uma imagem mais conciliadora, pela qual os muçulmanos poderiam ser potenciais aliados do poder português na guerra contra os movimentos nacionalistas. Sendo ambas as representações marcadas pela ambivalência, a primeira predominou até ao final da década de 50 e a segunda desenhou-se em meados dos anos 60, acompanhando o restante trajecto das guerras coloniais. As duas imagens corresponderam a diferentes formas de lidar com a dimensão transnacional do Islão e com o seu alegado impacto sobre o colonialismo português em África. O artigo analisa essas estratégias, abordando a participação que nelas teve a Igreja Católica, o aparelho central de poder e as suas ramificações locais nas colónias.

Liberdade e tolerância religiosa: "portugueses não católicos" no ultramar do século XIX

The personal legal status of native non catholic people of Portuguese colonial Empire during the nineteenth century, their position in what concerns Portuguese citizenship, is the main subject of this article. While discussing constitutional articles on religion, Portuguese deputies of the nineteenth century were confronted with a set of problems about that status which they find difficult to solve: should non catholic peoples who were born in Portuguese colonial territory be treated as plain Portuguese citizens or where they just “savage people”, “colonial subjects” or, in a more optimistic approach, “civilizing subjects”. The results were not conclusive, giving rise to an “uncertainty principle” which enabled central and local government to decide in an almost casuistic way about native people status and rights.

A consagração dos naturais

“One cannot analyse a legal concept outside the economic and socio-cultural context in which it was applied” – such is the longstanding thesis of António Manuel Hespanha. I argue that Hespanha’s line of argument relative to legal concepts is also applicable, mutatis mutandis, to legal agents: the magistrates, advocates, notaries, solicitors and clerks who lived and exercised their professions in a given time and place. The question, then, is how to understand the actions of these individuals in particular contexts – more specifically in late 18th century and 19th century Goa. The main goal of the present thesis was to comprehend how westernized and Catholic Goan elite of Brahman and Chardó origin who provided the majority of Goan legal agents used Portuguese law to their own advantage. It can be divided into five key points. The first one is the importance of the Constitutional liberalism regime (with all the juridical, judicial, administrative and political changes that it has brought, namely the parliamentary representation) and its relations with the perismo – a local political and ideological tendency nurtured by Goan native Catholic elite. It was explored in the chapter 2 of this thesis. The second key point is the repeated attempts made by Goan native Catholic elite to implement the jury system in local courts. It was studied in the chapter 3. Chapter 4 aims to understand the participation of the native Catholic elite in the codification process of the uses and traditions of the indigenous peoples in New Conquests territory. The fourth key point is the involvement of those elites not only in the conflict of civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions but also in the succession of the Royal House of Sunda. It was analyzed in the chapter 5. The functions of an advocate could be delegated to someone who, though lacking a law degree, possessed sufficient knowledge to perform this role satisfactorily. Those who held a special licence to practice law were known as provisionários (from provisão, or licence, as opposed to the letrados, or lettered). In the Goa of the second half of the 18th century and the 19th century, such provisionários were abundant, the vast majority coming from the native Catholic elite. The characteristics of those provisionários, the role played by the Portuguese letrados in Goa and the difficult relations between both groups were studied in the chapter 6.

Visual politics of the estado novo realized on the Alameda Dom Afonso Henriques in Lisbon – the construction of ideal citizenship?

The stylistic categorization of the Estado Novo has been intensely discussed by Portuguese art historians. The square Alameda Dom Afonso Henriques in Lisbon (Alameda) can be seen as paradigmatic for the architecture of power of the Estado Novo. The Alameda forms a gardened valley between two hills. There you find two prominent and highly propagandist buildings: The Instituto Superior Técnico (IST) and the Fonte Luminosa are dedicated to modern sciences and respectively to the harmonious contribution of nature to the city. The iconography of the Alameda as well as its incorporation into the propagandist use of urban planning in the 1930s and 1940s exemplify the visual politics during Salazarism. Urban planning programs intended to create cities that would preserve the character of a traditional catholic society and at the same time answer to the need to modernize the country and evoke the image of a progressive state. Thus, public buildings and urban squares such as the Alameda contributed to design a corporate image and to the ‘spirit’ of the regime.