16 resultados para Afonso V, King of Portugal, 1432-1481.
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Em 1471 D. Afonso V (1432-1481), rei de Portugal, decidiu voltar ao Norte de África para dar continuidade à política de expansão africana da Coroa. O alvo escolhido foi Arzila e, em Agosto de 1471, a vila foi conquistada por uma hoste portuguesa que contou com 23.000 homens de combate. Pouco estudada pela historiografia, a conquista de Arzila é meritória de um lugar de destaque fruto da sua singularidade. Foi uma campanha meticulosamente planeada que incluiu a compra de toneladas de mantimentos e armas e o recrutamento da maior hoste até então levantada em Portugal. As consequências da queda de Arzila perduraram no tempo: Tânger foi abandonada dias depois e o tratado de tréguas assinado com o sultanato de Fez consolidou presença portuguesa na região, tendo esta permanecido imperturbável até ao início do século XVI, e permitiu a D. Afonso V abandonar de vez os campos de batalha norte-africanos e dar azo às suas ambições castelhanas. O presente estudo insere-se numa lacuna historiográfica face à pouca atenção que a conquista de Arzila granjeou, até ao momento, por parte dos historiadores portugueses. Assim sendo, é estudada não apenas a conquista de Arzila, enquanto acontecimento limitado ao mês de Agosto de 1471, mas também todos os preparativos que foram levados a cabo para permitirem o sucesso da campanha, bem como as consequências da queda de Arzila, mais prolongadas no tempo. Esse estudo é escorado não só nos relatos cronísticos mas também noutras fontes de tipo narrativo e na documentação de chancelaria. É através do cruzamento das várias fontes que é possível detectar e corrigir determinadas lacunas dos cronistas e dos historiadores que os seguiram.
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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics
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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Finance from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics
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This paper addresses the study of a mosaic discovered in 2007 at the archaeological site of Alter do Chão, Portugal, whose central panel represents the penultimate scene narrated in the last Book of the Æneid – a Roman epic composed by the poet Publius Vergilius Maro (70 BC – AD 19), at the request of Gaius Julius Cæsar Octavianus Augustus (63 BC – AD 14): it shows the very moment when Turnus, the Latin king of the Rutuli, kneels before Æneas, considered the precursor to the foundation of Rome (Virgil, Æneid, XII, 926-950).
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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
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Cork stopper manufacturing process includes an operation, known as stabilisation, by which humid cork slabs are extensively colonised by fungi. The effects of fungal growth on cork are yet to be completely understood and are considered to be involved in the so called “cork taint” of bottled wine. It is essential to identify environmental constraints which define the appearance of the colonising fungal species and to trace their origin to the forest and/or as residents in the manufacturing space. The present article correlates two sets of data, from consecutive years and the same season, of systematic biologic sampling of two manufacturing units, located in the North and South of Portugal. Chrysonilia sitophila dominance was identified, followed by a high diversity of Penicillium species. Penicillium glabrum, found in all samples, was the most frequent isolated species. P. glabrum intra-species variability was investigated using DNA fingerprinting techniques revealing highly discriminative polymorphic markers in the genome. Cluster analysis of P. glabrum data was discussed in relation to the geographical location of strains, and results suggest that P. glabrum arise from predominantly the manufacturing space, although cork resident fungi can also contrib
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Dissertation presented to obtain the Ph.D. degree in Biology/ Molecular Biology
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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Economics from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics
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Esta dissertação tem como tema a Sociedade Propaganda de Portugal, associação fundada em 1906 e que constituiu uma primeira experiência de introdução de uma aposta articulada na actividade turística em Portugal. Mais do que isso, a Propaganda de Portugal apresentou uma proposta ambiciosa e coerente de modernização do país, aspecto que preside à análise da actividade que desenvolveu ao longo dos seus primeiros anos de existência. O trabalho abre com uma análise do percurso do fundador, Leonildo de Mendonça e Costa, e de que forma este influenciou a criação da Sociedade, sendo depois analisado todo o processo de fundação, enquadrado no Portugal de 1900, bem como a evolução da Sociedade em termos de membros, liderança e discurso. A análise do projecto de modernização ocupa a maior parte do trabalho, separada pelas diversas áreas de actuação: transportes, serviços, melhoramentos, hotelaria, estâncias e propaganda; prestando-se a devida atenção às formas de actuação que privilegiou e à distância que se verificou entre projectos e realizações, bem como às causas dessa distância.
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To study the macroeconomic effects of unconventional monetary policy across the different countries of the eurozone, I develop an identification scheme to disentangle conventional from non-conventional policy shocks, using futures contracts on overnight interest rates and the size of the European Central Bank balance sheet. Setting these shocks as endogenous variables in a structural vector autoregressive (SVAR) model, along with the CPI and the employment rate, estimated impulse response functions of policy to macroeconomic variables are studied. I find that unconventional policy shocks generated mixed effects in inflation but had a positive impact on employment, with the exception of Portugal, Spain, Greece and Italy where the employment response is close to zero or negative. The heterogeneity that characterizes the responses shows that the monetary policy measures taken in recent years were not sufficient to stabilize the economies of the eurozone countries under more severe economic conditions.
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Both Oporto and the North Region of Portugal definitions of tourism have evolved significantly during the past decade. In this journey it is relevant to highlight the contribution of the arrival of Low Cost Carriers (LCCs) at Francisco Sá Carneiro Airport, thus contributing to a rapid expansion of this region as a tourism destination. Hence, this work project aims to understand the touristic and economic impact motivated by the entry of LCCs in Oporto and in the North Region of Portugal and tries to understand if this event was in fact an asset in the development of the aforementioned tourism destinations.
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This research has as a goal to give an overview of what Project Management is in Portugal. The purpose is not to focus on a small picture, but to understand the broad concept and perception of Project Management in Portugal in two very important sectors: Profit- and Non-Profit Sector. Both Profit- and Non-Profit project managers have been interviewed, giving an insight of how different projects are in both sectors and why. This paper will be especially helpful comparing the Project Management maturity of Portugal to other countries regarding these two different point of views.
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O negócio do vinho em Portugal esteve sempre sujeito a crises que resultaram da lei da oferta e da procura, ou seja, da produção e do consumo. Considerado um bom caso de integração na União Europeia (UE), levou-nos a questionar a sua dinâmica, com o foco na componente da vinha, após a adesão à então Comunidade Económica Europeia e compreender as transformações entretanto ocorridas. Desde o século XVIII, o vinho tem uma forte presença na historiografia e na cultura portuguesa. Portugal é pioneiro a nível internacional na demarcação de uma região vitícola, a região do Douro, e no papel que o Estado desempenhou. Se há atividade económica que se impôs em Portugal como lobby foi o vinho, com evidência para a época entre o final do século XIX e meados do século XX. Com este objetivo fez-se uma resenha histórica da vinha em Portugal. O condicionamento da cultura da vinha com início em 1932, por um lado, e as regiões vitícolas por outro, (que, embora criadas no início do século passado, possuem as suas raízes em épocas anteriores), sofreram o impacto da adaptação à União Europeia e à sua organização comum do mercado para a vinha e o vinho. O país teve de se harmonizar com novas regras, construir um cadastro vitícola atualizado e uniformizar as suas instituições ao edifício legal da UE. A aplicação das políticas estruturais e de coesão foram um pilar fundamental para a renovação dos vinhedos envelhecidos, incentivando a modernização de práticas culturais e dinamizando novas regiões. A opção por este território é o corolário de um estudo de caso da região mais internacional e mais sujeita a regras de restrição, que procurou manter a sua gestão secular e abrir-se à modernização. O despertar de uma região adormecida levou ao aparecimento de algumas práticas mais agressivas ou erradas, mas nunca colocou em perigo a sua substância e o seu capital mais precioso, o vinho do Porto. Em suma, é apropriado afirmar, face ao resultado da investigação desenvolvida, que Portugal teve ganhos importantes na renovação do património vitícola e na redescoberta das suas castas tradicionais, ao mesmo tempo que deu uma nova vida a toda a cadeia que produz o vinho. As novas necessidades encontradas conduziram a uma estratégia de incentivo à internacionalização da fileira assentando na promoção, na expansão dos vinhos em países específicos e na divulgação internacional do património genético das variedades tradicionais. O aumento do valor das exportações, contribuindo para uma melhoria da balança comercial, espelha a boa rentabilidade dos investimentos realizados e é um suporte para levar a cabo uma estratégia coletiva que atenue as crises cíclicas e reforce a marca “Wines of Portugal” como abóbada para a internacionalização das marcas portuguesas.
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The global dynamics of alliances are strongly determined by the level of cooperation among states. This cooperation can be embodied in various aspects, but the level of defense and security cooperation becomes usually more doctrinal and lasting. By the nature of sovereignty that instills in the bilateral relationship, cooperation at defense and security level can leverages other forms of cooperation. The circumstances and relational balance between Brazil and Portugal seem to evolve towards distancing opportunities, despite they are culturally and institutionally untainted. The economic dynamics, the strategic projection in global sustainability terms, the scale and ambition of Brazilian regional leadership, contrasts with the actual context of Portugal, distancing himself both on the stage where they operate. On the other hand, the historical and cultural roots, the language, the affinity of the peoples of CPLP and some opportunities for economic niches, trend to attract both countries. The condition of Portugal in NATO and Europe, coupled with the ability to export technical and human resources to value-added for Brazil, seems also to become approaching factors. On the balance of these dynamics, there is a set of exogenous factors (economic, external global relations matrix, regional stability, among others), which are not always controlled by any of both countries. These factors call for strong capacity for foresight analysis and decision making, with the inherent risk. There is cooperation vectors that are not apparently penalized by geographic distance, or by the difference of realities. Among these vectors we shall highlight synergies in technological niches, highly tradable goods and, mostly, using the domain of dual technologies. The thirteen niches herein identified are: Monitoring, Navigation, Command and Control, Electronics, Optoelectronics, Communication and remote sensing, Information Technologies, Flight Simulation, Specialized Training, Fiber Optic Sensors, Materials Engineering, Nanotechnology and Communications. Cumulating with identified opportunities in traditional relational framework, both countries are growing (in geography and economic terms) into the Atlantic, making it a central element in the bilateral approach. By being at the same time a growing stage of disputes and which stability tends to be threatened, it will be done an analysis of these synergistic vectors, superimposed on the impact on Atlantic securitization process.
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The United Nations is an international organization that was created after World War II, whose main objective is to promote cooperation, social and economic development, as well as to ensure international peace and security. The Member States are key actors in the international political system. For that reason they have strategic interests in what regards taking part in the international organizations. They see it as an opportunity to achieve those goals. The United Nations Security Council has a very important role in preserving international peace and security. It is the organ of the United Nations in which fifteen member states are represented: five permanently and ten non-permanently, being that the latter are elected for two years. Participating in the Security Council is a unique opportunity for middle powers like Portugal to promote their national interests and to increase their international visibility. In addition, they can contribute to the world’s destiny during their mandate period. Portugal has exercised his third term as a non-permanent member of the Security Council in 2011-2012 biennium, defeating Canada after a successful campaign carried out by the Portuguese diplomacy. This study analyses the participation of Portugal in the Security Council´s 2011-2012 biennium. It will focus the application process and election and the role of Portugal in the Security Council, especially in its the presidency and its intervention in the presidency of the Sanctions Committee on Libya. Its aim is to show the impact of Portuguese participation in the Security Council for international peace and security, as well as the geopolitical importance for the country of being part of the Security Council.