A abolição da dupla incriminação no mandado de detenção europeu

This essay presents the European Arrest Warrant and its relationship with the principle of double criminality, which was abolished in 2002 with the new Framework Decision (FD). This instrument was essential to implement the principle of mutual recognition and strengthen the police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters in the newly created space of freedom, security and justice. It was urgent to create mechanisms to combat cross-border crime, that alone States have struggled to counter. An analysis of the FD No 2002/584/JHA is made. The execution of warrants and the non-mandatory and optional grounds of refusal are studied in detail. As it is the implementation issue. The role of mutual recognition in practice is studied as well. The procedure is to introduce the principle of double criminality, to explain the concept and its abolition, warning for the consequences derived from them, related to the principle of legality and fundamental rights. The analysis of the European Arrest Warrant in practice in Portugal and in comparison with other Member States allows the measurement of the consequences from the abolition of dual criminality and the position of States on this measure. With the abolition of double criminality, the cooperation in judicial and criminal matters departs from what was intended by the European Council of Tampere. And without cooperation, fundamental rights of citizens are unprotected, so the states have to adopt measures to remedy the "failures" of the European Law.

A (in)segurança privada em Portugal

Along with the food and the comfort, safety has always been one of the human priorities. In pursuit of this objective, man developed self-preservation mechanisms, went to live in society and created rules to control the community life. In the West and in the late eighteenth century, with the creation of states as we know them today, the monopoly of security, among other powers, has been preserved untouched until the last quarter of this century. With the bankruptcy of the welfare state and the rise of the regulatory state, many of the essential tasks for the community have also been carried out by private companies or institutions, including education, health care and security. Although not easy, education and health care have been more opened to be managed by the private sector. Instead, the privatization of the security sector has seen much more resistance. Still, especially in the West, the states have delegated some of the security competences to private companies. Portugal is no exception to the rule and, after a few years of unregulated activity, in 1982 was published the first law regulating the private security. After the initial stages of development (evolution and maturation), which lasted until the early years of the 2000‘s, the private security now seems to have reached maturity. Today, now with a new legal system, composed by Law no. 34/2013, of 16 may, its regulations and complementary legislation, now private security encompasses other activities and competences - becoming, an increasingly complement to public safety. It has also increased the pre-requisites and control mechanisms for private security companies, and strengthened the rules that limit their scope of activity.

A consagração dos naturais

“One cannot analyse a legal concept outside the economic and socio-cultural context in which it was applied” – such is the longstanding thesis of António Manuel Hespanha. I argue that Hespanha’s line of argument relative to legal concepts is also applicable, mutatis mutandis, to legal agents: the magistrates, advocates, notaries, solicitors and clerks who lived and exercised their professions in a given time and place. The question, then, is how to understand the actions of these individuals in particular contexts – more specifically in late 18th century and 19th century Goa. The main goal of the present thesis was to comprehend how westernized and Catholic Goan elite of Brahman and Chardó origin who provided the majority of Goan legal agents used Portuguese law to their own advantage. It can be divided into five key points. The first one is the importance of the Constitutional liberalism regime (with all the juridical, judicial, administrative and political changes that it has brought, namely the parliamentary representation) and its relations with the perismo – a local political and ideological tendency nurtured by Goan native Catholic elite. It was explored in the chapter 2 of this thesis. The second key point is the repeated attempts made by Goan native Catholic elite to implement the jury system in local courts. It was studied in the chapter 3. Chapter 4 aims to understand the participation of the native Catholic elite in the codification process of the uses and traditions of the indigenous peoples in New Conquests territory. The fourth key point is the involvement of those elites not only in the conflict of civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions but also in the succession of the Royal House of Sunda. It was analyzed in the chapter 5. The functions of an advocate could be delegated to someone who, though lacking a law degree, possessed sufficient knowledge to perform this role satisfactorily. Those who held a special licence to practice law were known as provisionários (from provisão, or licence, as opposed to the letrados, or lettered). In the Goa of the second half of the 18th century and the 19th century, such provisionários were abundant, the vast majority coming from the native Catholic elite. The characteristics of those provisionários, the role played by the Portuguese letrados in Goa and the difficult relations between both groups were studied in the chapter 6.

Modern piracy

A definição de pirataria ou a desmistificação da sua origem, no tempo e espaço, revela maiores dificuldades do que atualmente. Com este trabalho propusemo-nos a estudar como é que a pirataria era perpetrada e entendida no passado, bem como no presente. Também nos propomos a identificar limitações legais e as medidas operativas no combate à pirataria, como por exemplo: limites conceptuais, lacunas, estratégias, entre outros. Por outro lado, atendemos as soluções encontradas no combate à pirataria sem deixar de observar fraqueza da lei e conflitos entre jurisdições. Por fim, o curso da história dá-nos a seguinte percepção: a pirataria era tida como crime se fosse contra os interesses das nações. O desinteresse dos Estados para reprimir a pirataria possibilitou o seu aumento, proliferação, domínio e sofisticação em certas regiões do Mundo. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo trazer para o centro da discussão os direitos humanos numa perspetiva tripla: proibição da pirataria, supressão e raízes, aliando o estudo de possíveis respostas a dar a esta epidemia.

As peculiaridades da democratização da região do Cáucaso do Sul no contexto da Política Europeia de Vizinhança

O período após o colapso da União Soviética foi o tempo da procura de novas identidades na nova realidade e de escolha de novos parceiros e aliados, o tempo da construção de novos estados e de formulação das regras e normas nacionais. Após o desmoronamento da ideologia soviética - um facto reconhecido oficialmente durante o período da Perestroika –, as pessoas sentiram uma necessidade de preencher o vácuo ideológico e desenvolver uma nova identidade. Foi proclamada a rejeição da estrutura política administrativa herdada da União Soviética e do sistema de economia planificada, e desenvolvida a tendência para a construção do estado democrático fundado numa economia de mercado. As expectativas relativas às transformações no período pós-soviético estavam relacionadas com o Ocidente (EUA e UE), e a construção do estado soberano foi fundada em modelos ocidentais de estado de direito, ‘boa governança’ e a economia de mercado. A UE desempenhou um papel importante na democratização dos estados da região do Sul do Cáucaso através de vários projetos e programas bilaterais e multilaterais no âmbito da Política Europeia de Vizinhança e da Parceria Oriental. Embora as reformas democráticas tenham sido realizadas com vista ao estabelecimento de uma Constituição democrática, à implementação de eleições democráticas e ao desenvolvimento da sociedade civil, fortaleceram, também, ainda mais, a natureza autoritária do poder, impediram a criação de um estado de direito, reforçaram violação dos direitos e das liberdades humanas. (NODIYA, 2003: 30; BAKHMAN, 2003: 17; BADALOV, 2003: 20). Deste modo, o processo da promoção da democracia através das reformas nos três estados do Sul do Cáucaso conduziu à criação de estados de “conteúdo autocrático misto, mas de forma democrática” (CHETERYAN, 2003: 41). Embora seja possível identificar as semelhanças entre os três estados da região do Sul do Cáucaso nas reformas do processo de desenvolvimento, os métodos e meios de implementação de reformas nas realidades dos estados regionais pela administração nacional foram bastante diferentes, por razões associadas às especificidades de cada um (DELCOUR e WOLCZUK, 2013: 3). Cada país é caracterizado pelas suas peculiaridades ao nível da situação geopolítica e diversidade do potencial económico – fatores que definem a trajetória política e económica do estado no período pós-soviético e, em certa medida, influenciam o modo como se desenvolvem as relações com a UE e, portanto, o processo de adoção das reformas e a sua introdução a nível nacional.