Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

Is the Lunatic Detention Act of 1917 appropriate for modern Gambia?

RESUMO: OS distúrbios mentais, neurológicos e devidos ao abuso de substâncias tem uma grande prevalência e peso em todo o Mundo. O objetivo principal deste estudo é contribuir para a melhoria dos direitos humanos das pessoas com deficiências mentais na Gâmbia, através de uma revisão e análise críticas de uma obsoleta legislação de saúde mental do País o "Lunatic Act Detention (LDA) de 1917".----- ABSTRACT: Mental, neurological, and substance use disorders are highly prevalente and burdensome worlwide. The violations of human rights directed towards people with this disorders compound the problam. This study mainly aims to contribute do the improvement of human rights of people with mental disabilities in Gambia by doing a critical review and analysis to the countries outdated mental health legislation - Lunatic Detention ct (LDA) from 1917.

Segurança privada

This work aims to reflect on the way as the security has come to evolue, fitting new private actors who now play functions, long ago private the public beings. This new situation raises issues of privatization of public authority, which puts into question the ius imperii and rights of citizens. Although private security is a growing reality, and that it needed to study.

A internet e o sistema de justiça

The subject of study of this Thesis aims to highlight and recognize as an object of reflection the undoubted relationship between the Internet and the Justice System, based on the issue of digital evidence. The simultaneously crossing of the juridical-legal implications and the more technical computer issues is the actual trigger for the discussion of the issues established. The Convention on Cybercrime of the Council of Europe of 23rd November 2001 and the Council Framework Decision n.° 2005/222/JHA of 24th February 2005 were avant-garde in terms of the international work about the crimes in the digital environment. In addition they enabled the harmonization of national legislations on the matter and, consequently, a greater flexibility in international judicial cooperation. Portugal, in compliance with these international studies, ratified, implemented and approved Law n. º 109/2009 of 15th September concerning the Cybercrime Act, establishing a more specific investigation and collection of evidence in electronic support when it comes to combating this type of crime, as it reinforced the Substantive Criminal Law and Procedural Nature. Nevertheless, the constant debates about the New Technologies of Information and Communication have not neglected the positive role of these tools for the user. However, they express a particular concern for their counterproductive effects; a special caution prevails on the part of the judge in assessing the digital evidence, especially circumstantial evidence, due to the its fragility. Indisputably, the practice of crimes through the computer universe, given its inexorable technical complexity, entails many difficulties for the forensic investigation, since the proofs hold temporary, changeable, volatile, and dispersed features. In this pillar, after the consummation of iter criminis, the Fundamental Rights of the suspects may be debated in the course of the investigation and the construction of iter probatorium. The intent of this Thesis is to contribute in a reflective way on the issues presented in order to achieve a bigger technical and legal awareness regarding the collection of digital proof, looking for a much lighter approach to its suitability in terms of evidentiary value.