TSKY: a dependable middleware solution for data privacy using public storage clouds

Dissertação para obtenção do Grau de Mestre em Engenharia Informática

Public funding of higher education: who gains, who loses?

This paper analyses the effects of public funding of higher education on the welfare of the different agents. It takes into account the hierarchical nature of the educational system and also the fact that parents always have the possibility to complement basic public education with private expenditures in individual tutoring. It is obtained that although public funding implies a larger access to higher education it is always the case that some of the agents that gain access lose in welfare terms. Moreover, it is shown that the marginal agent to access university would always prefer a pure private funding system. Thus, when studying the effects of public funding of higher education, we can not identify gaining access to University with an increase in welfare. Finally, I consider a funding system where only those that send their o¤spring to university support the funding of higher education.

Geospatial technologies for public participation: better decisions for smarter cities?

Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Geospatial Technologies.

Opening Pousada da Serra da Estrela in Covilhã: A two-way impact analysis - Interacting with public agents

A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

De serviteurs de l´Etat à représentants élus. Les parlementaires originaires du secteur public en Europe

This article aims at testing empirically the relevance of the State/civil society dichotomy commonly used by political theorists through the question of the specific weight of MPs having a public sector background in Europe. It uses the DATACUBE data set in order to show that such an opposition is only relative because of the specific weight of the public sector in the parliamentary elite considered in a long-term perspective. The article focuses on the dynamics of this relevance and introduces nuances regarding variations across countries, sub-categories within the public sector and political parties.

Reconceptualising public spaces of (IN)equality: sensing and creating layers of visibility

Tese apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Doutor em Geografia e Planeamento Territorial - Especialidade: Geografia Humana

From Strategic Planning to Development Initiatives: a first reflection on the situation of Lisbon and Barcelona

MARQUES, B.P. (2014) From Strategic Planning to Development Initiatives: a first reflection on the situation of Lisbon and Barcelona, in 20th APDR Congress Proceddings, APDR and UÉvora, Évora, pp. 850-857, ISBN 978-989-8780-01-0.

Humor and the framing of the public sphere and public opinion in Portugal (1797-1834)

In his Answer to the Question: What is Enlightenment (1784), Kant puts forward his belief that the vocation to think freely, which humankind is endowed with, is bound to make sure that “the public use of reason” will at last act “even on the fundamental principles of government and the state [will] find it agreeable to treat man – who is now more than a machine – in accord with his dignity”. The critical reference to La Mettrie (1747), by opposing the machine to human dignity, will echo, in the dawn of the 20th century, in Bergson’s attempt to explain humor. Besides being exclusive to humans, humor is also a social phenomenon. Freud (1905) assures that pleasure originated by humor is collective, it results from a “social process”: jokes need an audience, a “third party”, in order to work and have fun. Assuming humor as a social and cultural phenomenon, this paper intends to sustain that it played a role in the framing of the public sphere and of public opinion in Portugal during the transition from Absolute Monarchy to Liberalism. The search for the conditions which made possible the critical exercise of sociability is at the root of the creation of the public sphere in the sense developed by Habermas (1962), whose perspective, however, has been questioned by those who point 2 out the alleged idealism of the concept – as opposed, for example, to Bakhtin (1970), whose work stresses diversity and pluralism. This notwithstanding, the concept of public sphere is crucial to the building of public opinion, which is, in turn, indissoluble from the principle of publicity, as demonstrated by Bobbio (1985). This paper discusses the historical evolution of the concept of public opinion from Ancient Greece doxa, through Machiavelli’s “humors” (1532), the origin of the expression in Montaigne (1580) and the contributions of Hobbes (1651), Locke (1690), Swift (1729), Rousseau (1762) or Hume (1777), up to the reflection of Lippman (1922) and Bourdieu’s critique (1984). It maintains that humor, as it appears in Portuguese printed periodicals from 1797 (when Almocreve de Petas was published for the first time) to the end of the civil war (1834) – especially in those edited by José Daniel Rodrigues da Costa but also in O Piolho Viajante, by António Manuel Policarpo da Silva, or in the ones written by José Agostinho de Macedo, as well as in a political “elite minded” periodical such as Correio Braziliense –, contributed to the framing of the public sphere and of public opinion in Portugal.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

New Opportunities for Development Journalism: Enlarging the Public Sphere with ICTs

The present study examines new opportunities offered by the introduction of information and communication technologies (ICTs) to enhance the development journalism practice, in order to enlarge the public sphere and empower ordinary people to participate more actively in public debate on issues affecting their development. The analysis of the achievements and challenges faced by 32 radio stations under the UNESCO project “Empowering Local Radios with ICTs” offers an overview of the introduction of ICTs in different contexts, within and among seven countries in Sub- Saharan Africa. Even though the lack of ICTs access and knowledge is still a concern in the developing world, especially in rural areas, these new tools can be adapted to each context and foster a more pluralistic and participative media in order to address people’s needs and promote social change.

Desafios da governança urbana : a participação pública como forma de melhorar a governação local – O caso da Cidade da Praia – Cabo Verde

A governança urbana indica um modelo de administração pública que permite alcançar resultados positivos sobre o território, baseado nos princípios da responsabilização, cooperação, transparência, abertura e participação dos diversos actores que compõem a sociedade civil. Perante os desafios da actualidade, a participação pública revela-se como um ingrediente sine qua non para enfrentar as sucessivas alterações políticas, ambientais e socioeconómicas. Ao mesmo tempo que contribui para tornar os cidadãos (mais) pró-activos na resolução dos problemas urbanos comuns e participar na tomada de decisão. Este trabalho busca identificar os principais problemas urbanos das áreas de expansão informal da cidade da Praia (Cabo Verde) e como as populações podem contribuir para a sua resolução. A metodologia baseou-se, numa primeira fase em pesquisa bibliográfica de referência, para depois partirmos para o trabalho de campo, onde aplicamos inquéritos a membros das famílias da Praia Norte (caso de estudo) e efectuamos entrevistas a responsáveis da autarquia e de ONG preocupadas com as questões urbanas. As análises demonstram um grande distanciamento entre a administração local e a população residente na cidade informal, excluída do processo da governação da cidade, ou seja, apoiado num sistema top-down. Perante os graves problemas territoriais (carência habitacional, insuficiência e/ou deficiência das infra-estruturas básicas e equipamentos colectivos), as autoridades têm demonstrado incapacidade para travar o crescimento de novas áreas informais e de proceder à recuperação das existentes. Por outro lado, a passividade da população em nada tem contribuído para solucionar os problemas e melhorar as suas condições de vida. Conclui-se que o caminho para uma boa governança urbana da cidade da Praia, deve passar pela adopção de um sistema de governação estratégica, alicerçado na participação pública, onde as respostas para resolução dos problemas locais possam surgir numa escala bottom-up. Para isso, é preciso maior investimento no papel da cidadania activa, aliado numa política audaz e inclusiva, ou seja, deixar de “olhar” para o cidadão como um mero eleitor para os projectos políticos e passar a relacionar-se com os mesmos, como se de um cliente para uma empresa se tratasse.

Pedestrian Priority Zones in the Context of Urban Mobility and Valorization of Public Space

The second half of the XX century was marked by a great increase in the number of people living in cities. Urban agglomerations became poles of attraction for migration flows and these phenomena, coupled with growing car-ownership rates, resulted in the fact that modern transport systems are characterized by large number of users and traffic modes. The necessity to organize these complex systems and to provide space for different traffic modes changed the way cities look. Urban areas had to cope with traffic flows, and as a result nowadays typical street pattern consists of a road for motorized vehicles, a cycle lane (in some cases), pavement for pedestrians, parking and a range of crucial signage to facilitate navigation and make mobility more secure. However, this type of street organization may not be desirable in certain areas, more specifically, in the city centers. Downtown areas have always been places where economic, leisure, social and other types of facilities are concentrated, not surprisingly, they often attract large number of people and this frequently results in traffic jams, air and noise pollution, thus creating unpleasant environment. Besides, excessive traffic signage in central locations can harm the image and perception of a place, this relates in particular to historical centers with architectural heritage.

Stratification and peer effects: An analysis of Lisbon public schools

Educational stratification has been a difficult subject to deal with having yet no study shown a quantitative measure of it. Using the idea of distribution comparison a measure based on parents’ education is built for the primary schools in Lisbon. Upon the confirmation that Lisbon is stratified, I use the measure of peer effects based on stratification and determine its impact on test scores, concluding that the existence of stratification improves scores of students in schools with more educated parents and decreases scores of students in schools with less educated parents. Moreover, using fixed effects I derive the conclusion that the measure of peers’ characteristics helps explain most of differences among schools.

O uso da força no Direito Internacional = Use of force in Public International Law

Versão online da Revista Brasileira de Estudos Políticos, Belo Horizonte, nº 107, pp. 149-200, jul./dez.2013

Petróleo: um contributo para o desenvolvimento em São Tomé e Príncipe

São Tomé Príncipe é um dos países mais pobres do mundo totalmente dependente da ajuda externa. Desde a independência, a 12 de Julho de 1975, o país mergulhou num clima de instabilidade sociopolítica e de pobreza que vem afetando e condicionando o desenvolvimento socioeconómico da sociedade santomense. A fraca capacidade governativa dos dirigentes e a falta de consenso na classe política, as sucessivas quedas de governo, o elitismo e o favoritismo reinante tornam quase impossível que se encontre um caminho consensual para que o país possa efetivamente sair da situação de pobreza em que se encontra e começar a dar passos significativos rumo ao desenvolvimento e ao progresso. Sendo um país com imensos problemas estruturais, que se vão agravando com o passar dos anos, São Tomé e Príncipe é um país extremamente frágil, onde a pobreza atinge a maior parte da população. A instabilidade política e social que se vive no país impede que a classe política nacional seja capaz de chegar a um entendimento para o progresso socioeconómico da nação. São Tomé e Príncipe é um país que dispõe de inúmeras potencialidades naturais, muitas delas continuam a ser mal aproveitadas devido à ausência de uma estratégia concertada que conduza o país ao desenvolvimento. Mas para que aconteça é imprescindível que os órgãos decisores do país sejam capazes de primar por políticas credíveis, transparentes e viáveis, para que o progresso e desenvolvimento tão desejado pela sociedade santomense não seja apenas um sonho. Com a descoberta do petróleo no território santomense, a nação tem depositado todas as suas esperanças na exploração petrolífera e que com a arrecadação das receitas daí provenientes o país começará a trilhar o caminho do desenvolvimento e do progresso.