33 resultados para Political-educational discourse


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A Masters Thesis, presented as part of the requirements for the award of a Research Masters Degree in Economics from NOVA – School of Business and Economics

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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Management from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics

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Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Doutoramento em co-tutela)The University of Leeds School of Education

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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

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Esta dissertação pretende observar o fenómeno das campanhas negativas nas eleições portuguesas, usando como caso de estudo a campanha eleitoral das eleições legislativas de 2011. Procurou-se analisar o discurso político dos partidos nesta campanha eleitoral, recorrendo à análise de conteúdo. Para apoiar a interpretação dos resultados foram realizadas entrevistas aos directores de campanha ou outros actores políticos com um papel relevante na definição e implementação da estratégia eleitoral do BE, CDU, CDS, PS e PSD. Os resultados indicam que a campanha eleitoral de 2011 foi essencialmente positiva: a maior parte do discurso dos partidos focou-se na apresentação e defesa das suas ideias, programas e qualidades e não na crítica aos adversários. As campanhas negativas incidiram sobretudo sobre conteúdos políticos e os ataques não foram personalizados. Os resultados indicam ainda que as teorias que explicam a utilização de campanhas negativas noutros países não se aplicam em Portugal. Segundo os entrevistados, apesar do confronto de ideias ser essencial, as campanhas negativas não resultam em Portugal, ao contrário do que acontece noutros países.

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RESUMO - Assistimos hoje a um contexto marcado (i) pelo progressivo envelhecimento das sociedades ocidentais, (ii) pelo aumento da prevalência das doenças crónicas, de que as demências são um exemplo, (iii) pelo significativo aumento dos custos associados a estas patologias, (iv) por orçamentos públicos fortemente pressionadas pelo controlo da despesa, (v) por uma vida moderna que dificulta o apoio intergeracional, tornando o suporte proporcionado pelos filhos particularmente difícil, (vi) por fortes expectativas relativamente à prestação de cuidados de saúde com qualidade. Teremos assim de ser capazes de conseguir melhorar os serviços de saúde, ao mesmo tempo que recorremos a menos recursos financeiros e humanos, pelo que a inovação parece ser crítica para a sustentabilidade do sistema. Contudo a difusão das Assistive Living Technologies, apesar do seu potencial, tem sido bastante baixa, nomeadamente em Portugal. Porquê? Hamer, Plochg e Moreira (2012), no editorial do International Journal of Healthcare Management, enquadram a Inovação como “podendo ser imprevisível e mesmo dolorosa, pelo que talvez possamos não ficar surpreendidos se surgirem resistências e que, inovações bastante necessárias, capazes de melhorar os indicadores de saúde, tenham sido de adoção lenta ou que tenham mesmo sido insustentáveis”. Em Portugal não há bibliografia que procure caracterizar o modelo de difusão da inovação em eHealth ou das tecnologias de vivência assistida. A bibliografia internacional é igualmente escassa. O presente projeto de investigação, de natureza exploratória, tem como objetivo principal, identificar barreiras e oportunidades para a implementação de tecnologias eHealth, aplicadas ao campo das demências. Como objetivos secundários pretendemse identificar as oportunidades e limitações em Portugal: mapa de competências nacionais, e propor medidas que possa acelerar a inovação em ALT, no contexto nacional. O projeto seguirá o modelo de um estudo qualitativo. Para o efeito foram conduzidas entrevistas em profundidade junto de experts em ALT, procurando obter a visão daqueles que participam do lado da Oferta- a Indústria; do lado da Procura- doentes, cuidadores e profissionais de saúde; bem como dos Reguladores. O instrumento utilizado para a recolha da informação pretendida foi o questionário não estruturado. A análise e interpretação da informação recolhida foram feitas através da técnica de Análise de Conteúdo. Os resultados da Análise de Conteúdo efetuada permitiram expressar a dicotomia barreira/oportunidade, nas seguintes categorias aqui descritas como contextos (i) Contexto Tecnológico, nas subcategorias de Acesso às Infraestruturas; Custo da Tecnologia; Interoperabilidade, (ii) Contexto do Valor Percecionado, nas subcategorias de Utilidade; Eficiência; Divulgação, (iii) Contexto Político, compreendendo a Liderança; Organização; Regulação; Recursos, (iv) Contexto Sociocultural, incluindo nomeadamente Idade; Literacia; Capacidade Económica, (v) Contexto Individual, incluindo como subcategorias, Capacidade de Adaptação a Novas tecnologias; Motivação; Acesso a equipamentos (vi) Contexto Específico da Doença, nomeadamente o Impacto Cognitivo; Tipologia Heterogénea e a Importância do Cuidador. Foi proposto um modelo exploratório, designado de Modelo de Contextos e Forças, que estudos subsequentes poderão validar. Neste modelo o Contexto Tecnológico é um Força Básica ou Fundamental; o Contexto do Valor Percecionado, constitui-se numa Força Crítica para a adoção de inovação, que assenta na sua capacidade para oferecer valor aos diversos stakeholders da cadeia de cuidados. Temos também o Contexto Político, com capacidade de modelar a adoção da inovação e nomeadamente com capacidade para o acelerar, se dele emitir um sinal de urgência para a mudança. O Contexto Sociocultural e Individual expressam uma Força Intrínseca, dado que elas são características internas, próprias e imutáveis no curto-prazo, das sociedade e das pessoas. Por fim há que considerar o Contexto Específico da Doença, nesta caso o das demências. Das conclusões do estudo parece evidente que as condições tecnológicas estão medianamente satisfeitas em Portugal, com evidentes progressos nos últimos anos (exceção para a interoperabilidade aonde há necessidade de maiores progressos), não constituindo portanto barreira à introdução de ALT. Aonde há necessidade de investir é nas áreas do valor percebido. Da análise feita, esta é uma área que constitui uma barreira à introdução e adoção das ALT em Portugal. A falta de perceção do valor que estas tecnologias trazem, por parte dos profissionais de saúde, doentes, cuidadores e decisores políticos, parece ser o principal entrave à sua adoção. São recomendadas estratégias de modelos colaborativos de Investigação e Desenvolvimento e de abordagens de cocriação com a contribuição de todos os intervenientes na cadeia de cuidados. Há também um papel que cabe ao estado no âmbito das prioridades e da mobilização de recursos, sendo-lhe requerida a expressão do sentido de urgência para que esta mudança aconteça. Foram também identificadas oportunidades em diversas áreas, como na prevenção, no diagnóstico, na compliance medicamentosa, na terapêutica, na monitorização, no apoio à vida diária e na integração social. O que é necessário é que as soluções encontradas constituam respostas àquilo que são as verdadeiras necessidades dos intervenientes e não uma imposição tecnológica que só por si nada resolve. Do estudo resultou também a perceção de que há que (i) continuar a trabalhar no sentido de aproximar a comunidade científica, da clínica e do doente, (ii) fomentar a colaboração entre centros, com vista à criação de escala a nível global. Essa colaboração já parece acontecer a nível empresarial, tendo sido identificadas empresas Portuguesas com vocação global. A qualidade individual das instituições de ensino, dos centros de investigação, das empresas, permite criar as condições para que Portugal possa ser país um piloto e um case-study internacional em ALT, desde que para tal pudéssemos contar com um trabalho colaborativo entre instituições e com decisões políticas arrojadas.

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Spatial analysis and social network analysis typically take into consideration social processes in specific contexts of geographical or network space. The research in political science increasingly strives to model heterogeneity and spatial dependence. To better understand and geographically model the relationship between “non-political” events, streaming data from social networks, and political climate was the primary objective of the current study. Geographic information systems (GIS) are useful tools in the organization and analysis of streaming data from social networks. In this study, geographical and statistical analysis were combined in order to define the temporal and spatial nature of the data eminating from the popular social network Twitter during the 2014 FIFA World Cup. The study spans the entire globe because Twitter’s geotagging function, the fundamental data that makes this study possible, is not limited to a geographic area. By examining the public reactions to an inherenlty non-political event, this study serves to illuminate broader questions about social behavior and spatial dependence. From a practical perspective, the analyses demonstrate how the discussion of political topics fluсtuate according to football matches. Tableau and Rapidminer, in addition to a set basic statistical methods, were applied to find patterns in the social behavior in space and time in different geographic regions. It was found some insight into the relationship between an ostensibly non-political event – the World Cup - and public opinion transmitted by social media. The methodology could serve as a prototype for future studies and guide policy makers in governmental and non-governmental organizations in gauging the public opinion in certain geographic locations.

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The mobile IT era is here, it is still growing and expanding at a steady rate and, most of all, it is entertaining. Mobile devices are used for entertainment, whether social through the so-called social networks, or private through web browsing, video watching or gaming. Youngsters make heavy use of these devices, and even small children show impressive adaptability and skill. However not much attention is directed towards education, especially in the case of young children. Too much time is usually spent in games which only purpose is to keep children entertained, time that could be put to better use such as developing elementary geometric notions. Taking advantage of this pocket computer scenario, it is proposed an application geared towards small children in the 6 – 9 age group that allows them to consolidate knowledge regarding geometric shapes, forming a stepping stone that leads to some fundamental mathematical knowledge to be exercised later on. To achieve this goal, the application will detect simple geometric shapes like squares, circles and triangles using the device’s camera. The novelty of this application will be a core real-time detection system designed and developed from the ground up for mobile devices, taking into account their characteristic limitations such as reduced processing power, memory and battery. User feedback was be gathered, aggregated and studied to assess the educational factor of the application.

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This work project aims at exploring the role of intergenerational immobility in political violence. A cross-country macro-level analysis is done where no significant results are found. Additionally, an individual micro-level analysis is done where intergenerational mobility (measured through a proxy variable) has a negative significant effect in political violence

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The present article is based on the MA thesis of Hou Bowen (Ph.D candidate) and on the presentation made at the ISA World Congress of Sociology held in Yokohama (Japan) on July 2014 at the Session on “Assessing Technologies: Global Patterns of Trust and Distrust” of RC23-Sociology of Science and Technology.

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ABSTRACT: Background: Childhood is a critical time for social and emotional development, educational progress and mental health prevention. Mental health for children and adolescents is defined by the achievement of expected developmental, cognitive, social and emotional skills. The development of child-adolescent mental health services (CAMHS) is a necessity for each country, not only as a prevention measure for the wellbeing of people, but also as an investment to the future of countries. Qualitative evaluation of services is the only way to ensure whether services function under quality standards and increase the possibility of better outcomes for their patients. This study examines the greek outpatient CAMHS against the British Standards of National Institute of Excellence for community CAMHS. The Standards assessed refer to the areas of Assessment, Care and Intervention. Objectives: The main objectives of the study are 1) to evaluate Greek outpatient CAMHS in the Attica region 2) to promote the evaluation process for mental health services in Greece. Methods: Due to the fact that Greek services are based on the British model, the tool used was the British self-review questionnaire of Quality Network for Community CAMHS(QNCC).The tool was translated, adapted and posted to services. Twelve out of twenty outpatient CAMHS of Attica (including Athens) responded. Data was collected and performed by the Statistical Package for Social Sciences SPSS. Results: The study resulted that the CAMHS examined, meet moderately the British Standards of 1) Referral and Access, 2) Assessment & Care planning, 3) Care & Intervention. Two out of twelve services examined, meet the standards of "Assessment and Care" in a higher percentage between 75% and 100%. Conclusions: The paper describes a satisfactory function of CAMHS in Attica prefecture taking into consideration the extremely difficult political situation of Greece at the time of the research. Strong and weak domains are identified. Also the translation and adaptation of British tools promote the evaluation process and quality assurance of Greek CAMHS.

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Given the importance of fiscal balance for ensuring a sustainable fiscal policy, we conduct an empirical examination of fiscal dynamics in the United States in response to unsustainable budget deviations. We concentrate on the role of political factors, namely the Republican - Democrat presidential divide, in determining the fiscal response to budget disequilibria. Making use of an asymmetric cointegration framework, we explore politically motivated fiscal asymmetries in the US, from Eisenhower to Obama. We conclude that political factors such as the government’s political quadrant and the timing of elections are important determinants of the fiscal response to unsustainable budget deviations.

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This article studies the cross-country differences in work ethic and claims that different political regimes transmitted different work ethics that still persist today. Using the World Values Survey and starting our political regime analysis in 1900, we find that Democratic regimes promote more effectively work relevance and competitiveness than Autocratic and Anocratic regimes, and that the political regime history of the country is more important than the present level of democracy. Moreover, we prove that this differences were transmitted through generations by parents, who optimally choose what work ethic to transmit taking into account their own values.

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Através da comparação das ideias de três grandes teóricos da política no conturbado contexto da República de Weimar, esta dissertação pretende reconsiderar a crise da legitimidade política na modernidade tardia. Tal crise é concebida tanto em sentido estrito, enquanto crise das democracias liberais perante os efeitos de rápidas mudanças sociais e a emergência da política de massas, como em sentido lato, ou seja, enquanto crise dos alicerces político-intelectuais da era moderna. Nessa medida, veremos como os juízos de Weber, Kelsen e Schmitt não se limitam a veicular veredictos contrastantes sobre a democracia de massas, o parlamentarismo e os partidos políticos, remetendo também para narrativas distintas sobre o destino do homem moderno – narrativas que oscilam entre o optimismo moderado, a ambivalência e a reacção hostil.