12 resultados para political support

em Repositório Científico do Instituto Politécnico de Lisboa - Portugal


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In this paper, a mixed-integer nonlinear approach is proposed to support decision-making for a hydro power producer, considering a head-dependent hydro chain. The aim is to maximize the profit of the hydro power producer from selling energy into the electric market. As a new contribution to earlier studies, a risk aversion criterion is taken into account, as well as head-dependency. The volatility of the expected profit is limited through the conditional value-at-risk (CVaR). The proposed approach has been applied successfully to solve a case study based on one of the main Portuguese cascaded hydro systems.

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Although leadership investigation has become for the last years an election topic with major relevance on organizational studies and accepting peacefully the general idea that organizations are freeland for politics, all these acceptances run against a kind of “fear” from the academy scholars on approaching the political leaderships’ singularities on organizations. Indeed, when we cross over both phenomena we verify that the absence and weaknesses towards the unique characteristics of political leadership on work scenarios are becoming sharped regarding to their predictors, their workers and their organizations, even if we left aside its moderator variables.

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A intervenção sobre a tuberculose no Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, revela atualmente uma intensificação e alargamento das articulações de pessoas, organizações e instituições envolvidas. Para compreender este processo, recorri ao mapeamento de arenas e mundos sociais. Os mundos sociais definem-se pela partilha de objetivos e de ações, constituindo unidades de ação coletiva. Para atingir os seus objetivos precisam de interagir com outros mundos sociais. Os espaços onde interagem sobre temas de comum interesse, mas sobre os quais têm perspetivas e até objetivos diferentes, denominam-se arenas. O estudo revelou que a arena da tuberculose no Rio de Janeiro se ampliou na última década, aumentando e diversificando os mundos sociais envolvidos, através do “trabalho político” de pessoas e organizações locais, nacionais e internacionais, isto é, através da atribuição de poder a determinadas instâncias com base na valorização ética de objetivos comuns. Este trabalho político tem vindo a implicar a interseção com as arenas do Sistema Único de Saúde e do VIH-Sida. A ampliação da arena da tuberculose redefine a própria doença e as formas de intervir sobre ela. Os apoios socioeconómicos para as/os pacientes, o tratamento de comorbidades, os direitos humanos, bem como outras questões que extravasam a perspetiva biomédica, integram agora as agendas da tuberculose. Neste processo, os intervenientes alargam também as fronteiras da ação na saúde.

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Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Educação de Lisboa para a obtenção de grau de mestre em Ciências da Educação -Especialidade Educação Especial

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To mimic the online practices of citizens has been declared an imperative to improve communication and extend participation. This paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of how European discourses praising online video as a communication tool have been translated into actual practices by politicians, governments and organisations. By contrasting official documents with YouTube activity, it is argued that new opportunities for European political communication are far from being fully embraced, much akin to the early years of websites. The main choice has been to use YouTube channels fundamentally for distribution and archiving, thus neglecting its social media features. The disabling of comments by many heads of state and prime ministers - and, in 2010, the European Commission - indicates such an attitude. The few attempts made to foster citizen engagement, in particular during elections, have had limited success, given low participation numbers and lack of argument exchange.

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Workplace aggression is a factor that shapes the interaction between individuals and their work environment and produces many undesirable outcomes, sometimes introducing heavy costs for organizations. Only through a comprehensive understanding of the genesis of workplace aggression is possible to develop strategies and interventions to minimize its nefarious effects. The existent body of knowledge has already identified several individual, situational and contextual antecedents of workplace aggression, although this is a research area where significant gaps occur and many issues were still not addressed Dupré and Barling (2006). According to Baron and Neuman (1998) one of these predictors is organizational change, since certain changes in the work environment (e.g., changes in management) can lead to increased aggression. This paper intends to contribute to workplace aggression research by studying its relationship with organizational change, considering a moderating role of political behaviors and organizational cynicism (Ammeter et al., 2002, Ferris et al., 2002). The literature review suggests that mediators and moderators that intervene in the relationships between workplace aggression and its antecedents are understudied topics. James (2005) sustains that organizational politics is related to cynicism and the empirical research of Miranda (2008) has identified leadership political behavior as an antecedent of cynicism but these two variables were not yet investigated regarding their relationship with workplace aggression. This investigation was operationalized using several scales including the Organizational Change Questionnaire-climate of change, processes, and readiness (Bouckenooghe, Devos and Broeck, 2009), a Workplace Aggression Scale (Vicente and D’Oliveira, 2008, 2009, 2010), an Organizational Cynicism Scale (Wanous, Reichers and Austin, 1994) and a Political Behavior Questionnaire (Yukl and Falbe, 1990). Participants representing a wide variety of jobs across many organizations were surveyed. The results of the study and its implications will be presented and discussed. This study contribution is also discussed in what concerns organizational change practices in organizations.

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One of the main trends in workplace aggression research is studying its antecedents. But the literature also reveals that some predictors remain understudied, like organizational change [1]. Additionally, possible mediators of this relationship were not investigated. The main objective of this research is studding the mediating effect of the leader political behavior (soft and hard version) on the relationship between organizational change and workplace aggression. Participants representing a wide variety of jobs across many organizations were surveyed. The measures used in this research are an Organizational Change Questionnaire climate of change, processes, and readiness [2], a Workplace Aggression Scale [e.g. 3, 4] and a Political Behavior Questionnaire [5]. The results of the study and its theoretical and practical implications will be presented and discussed.

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Se a guerra é a continuação da política por outros meios, então certamente que nela a comunicação, em sentido lato, esteve sempre presente e desempenhou um papel chave. As guerras não implicam apenas a violência, mas também a persuasão, a contrainformação, o convencimento e o combate ideológico. Nas guerras modernas, os media têm sido um elemento fundamental para mobilizar nações moldadas por dinâmicas de desenraizamento e desterritorialização com vista a um esforço conjunto de apoio popular à ação bélica do Estado. Este artigo incide nas transformações que a própria teoria e investigação em comunicação e media sofreram no período entre as duas Guerras Mundiais do século XX. Trata-se de um contexto histórico decisivo para compreender como a institucionalização do campo da comunicação num país central como os EUA ocorreu em condições sociais e políticas que contribuíram para o seu perfil epistemológico, posições teóricas e para a configuração do poder no próprio sistema científico universitário, cujas repercussões continuam a fazer-se sentir de diversas e complexas formas.

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Neste artigo procura-se entender a dúplice forma como o Estado Novo em Portugal lidou com o livro como objecto de acção política. As tentativas de enquadrar o livro como alvo de promoção no sentido de um apoio efectivo e da adopção de medidas correctivas das disfunções do mercado, próprias de uma matriz contemporânea e aberta de sistemas políticos e sociais desenvolvidos, nunca terão verdadeiramente existido durante o período autocrático. Com efeito, desde o seu começo até meados da década de 1950 o regime hesitou entre fórmulas – isoladas – de suporte à edição e à leitura, que não pôde ou não quis consolidar, e opções tendentes a conseguir arregimentar agentes do livro (sobretudo editores e autores) à nunca concretizada literatura oficial do Estado Novo, e que obedecesse aos seus pressupostos. O caminho trilhado parece ter sido, a partir de dado momento, essencialmente o da repressão ao livro, pautando o poder a sua actuação pela ausência de propostas de fomento do mercado editorial e livreiro como as que se verificaram noutros contextos nacionais, inclusive ditatoriais.

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Purpose: Pressure ulcers are a high cost, high volume issue for health and medical care providers, having a detrimental effect on patients and relatives. Pressure ulcer prevention is widely covered in the literature, but little has been published regarding the risk to patients in the radiographical setting. This review of the current literature is to identify findings relevant to radiographical context. Methods: Literature searching was performed using Science Direct and Medline databases. The search was limited to articles published in the last ten years to remain current and excluded studies containing participants less than 17 years of age. In total 14 studies were acquired; three were excluded as they were not relevant. The remaining 11 studies were compared and reviewed. Discussion: Eight of the studies used ‘healthy’ participants and three used symptomatic participants. Nine studies explored interface pressure with a range of pressure mat technologies, two studies measured shear (MRI finite element modelling, and a non-invasive instrument), and one looked at blood flow and haemoglobin oxygenation. A range of surfaces were considered from trauma, nursing and surgical backgrounds for their ability to reduce pressure including standard mattresses, high specification mattresses, rigid and soft layer spine boards, various overlays (gel, air filled, foam). Conclusion: The current literature is not appropriate for the radiographic patient and cannot be extrapolated to a radiologic context. Sufficient evidence is presented in this review to support the need for further work specific to radiography in order to minimise the development of PU in at risk patients.

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This paper refers to the assessment on site by semi-destructive testing (SDT) methods of the consolidation efficiency of a conservation process developed by Henriques (2011) for structural and non-structural pine wood elements in service. This study was applied on scots pine wood (Pinus sylvestris L.) degraded by fungi after treatment with a biocidal product followed by consolidation with a polymeric product. This solution avoids substitutions of wood moderately degraded by fungi, improving its physical and mechanical characteristics. The consolidation efficiency was assessed on site by methods of drill resistance and penetration resistance. The SDT methods used showed good sensitivity to the conservation process and could evaluate their effectiveness. (C) 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Toluene hydrogenation was studied over catalysts based on Pt supported on large pore zeolites (HUSY and HBEA) with different metal/acid ratios. Acidity of zeolites was assessed by pyridine adsorption followed by FTIR showing only small changes before and after Pt introduction. Metal dispersion was determined by H2–O2 titration and verified by a linear correlation with the intensity of Pt0–CO band obtained by in situ FTIR. It was also observed that the electronic properties of Pt0 clusters were similar for the different catalysts. Catalytic tests showed rapid catalyst deactivation with an activity loss of 80–95% after 60 min of reaction. The turnover frequency of fresh catalysts depended both on metal dispersion and the support. For the same support, it changed by a 1.7-fold (HBEA) and 4.0-fold (HUSY) showing that toluene hydrogenation is structure-sensitive, i.e. hydrogenating activity is not a unique function of accessible metal. This was proposed to be due to the contribution to the overall activity of the hydrogenation of adsorbed toluene on acid sites via hydrogen spillover. Taking into account the role of zeolite acidity, the catalysts series were compared by the activity per total adsorbing sites which was observed to increase steadily with nPt/(nPt + nA). An increase of the accessible Pt atoms leads to an increase on the amount of spilled over hydrogen available in acid sites therefore increasing the overall activity. Pt/HBEA catalysts were found to be more active per total adsorbing site than Pt/HUSY which is proposed to be due to an augmentation in the efficiency of spilled over hydrogen diffusion related to the proximity between Pt clusters and acid sites. The intervention of Lewis acid sites in a greater extent than that measured by pyridine adsorption may also contribute to this higher activity of Pt/HBEA catalysts. These results reinforce the importance of model reactions as a closer perspective to the relevant catalyst properties in reaction conditions.