Response to Orr and Siegler - collective intentionality and procreative desires: the permissible view on consent to posthumous conception

Orr and Siegler have recently defended a restrictive view concerning posthumous sperm retrieval and conception, which would limit insemination to those cases where the deceased man has provided explicit consent for such a procedure. The restrictive view dominates current law and practice. A permissible view, in contrast, would allow insemination and conception in all but those cases where the posthumous procedure has been explicitly refused, or where there is no reasonable evidence that the deceased person desired children. I describe a phenomenology of procreative desires which supports the permissible view, and which is compatible with requirements concerning the interests of the decedent, concepts of medical infertility, and the welfare of the future child. The account illustrates how our current obsession with individual rights and autonomy can be self-defeating and repressive.

Speaking for others: The pros and cons of group advocates using collective language

We examined how rhetorical style affects evaluations of group advocates, and how these evaluations are moderated by group identification. University students were given a letter to the editor defending student welfare. The argument was either constructed using personal language ('I believe') or collective language ('we believe'). Furthermore, the letter was either attributed to an official advocate (president of the student union) or an unofficial advocate (a rank-and-file member of the student body). Consistent with the social identity perspective, participants who showed strong identification as a university student thought that the group would feel better represented by official advocates using collective rather than personal language. Low identifiers, however, did not rate the rhetorical styles differently on representativeness. Furthermore, low identifiers (but not high identifiers) rated official advocates as more likable and more effective when they used personal rather than collective language. The discussion focuses on the conflict low identifiers might feel between (a) needing to homogenize with other group members in order to maximize the influence and political effectiveness of their message at the collective level, and (b) protecting themselves against categorization threat.

Aboriginal self-determination in Australia - The effects of minority-majority frames and target universalism on majority collective guilt and compensation attitudes

In the context of Aboriginal-Anglo Australian relations, we tested the effect of framing (multiculturalism versus separatism) and majority group members' social values (universalism) on the persuasiveness of Aboriginal group rhetoric, majority collective guilt, attitudes toward compensation, and reparations for Aboriginals. As predicted, Anglo Australians who are low on universalism report more collective guilt when presented with a multiculturalist than a separatist Aboriginal frame, whereas those high on universalism report high levels of guilt independent of frame. The same pattern was predicted and found for the persuasiveness of the rhetoric and attitudes toward compensation. Our data suggest that (a) for individuals low in universalism, framing produces attitudes consonant with compensation because it produces collective guilt and (b) the reason that universalists are more in favor of compensation and reparation is because of high collective guilt. We discuss the strategic use of language to create power through the manipulation of collective guilt in political contexts.

Better Bell-inequality violation by collective measurements

The standard Bell-inequality experiments test for violation of local realism by repeatedly making local measurements on individual copies of an entangled quantum state. Here we investigate the possibility of increasing the violation of a Bell inequality by making collective measurements. We show that the nonlocality of bipartite pure entangled states, quantified by their maximal violation of the Bell-Clauser-Horne inequality, can always be enhanced by collective measurements, even without communication between the parties. For mixed states we also show that collective measurements can increase the violation of Bell inequalities, although numerical evidence suggests that the phenomenon is not common as it is for pure states.

Collective coherent population trapping in a thermal field

We analyze the efficiency of coherent population trapping (CPT) in a superposition of the ground states of three-level atoms under the influence of the decoherence process induced by a broadband thermal field. We show that in a single atom there is no perfect CPT when the atomic transitions are affected by the thermal field. The perfect CPT may occur when only one of the two atomic transitions is affected by the thermal field. In the case when both atomic transitions are affected by the thermal field, we demonstrate that regardless of the intensity of the thermal field the destructive effect on the CPT can be circumvented by the collective behavior of the atoms. An analytic expression was obtained for the populations of the upper atomic levels which can be considered as a measure of the level of thermal decoherence. The results show that the collective interaction between the atoms can significantly enhance the population trapping in that the population of the upper state decreases with an increased number of atoms. The physical origin of this feature is explained by the semiclassical dressed-atom model of the system. We introduce the concept of multiatom collective coherent population trapping by demonstrating the existence of collective (entangled) states whose storage capacity is larger than that of the equivalent states of independent atoms.

Why do people engage in collective action? Revisiting the role of perceived effectiveness

Research has shown limited support for the notion that perceived effectiveness of collective action is a predictor of intentions to engage in collective action. One reason may be that effectiveness has been in terms of whether the action will influence key decision makers. We argue that the effectiveness of collective action might be judged by other criteria, such as whether it influences third parties, builds an oppositional movement, and expresses values. Two hundred and thirty one attendees at a rally rated the effectiveness of the rally and their intentions to engage in future collective action. For those participants who were not members of an organization, intentions were linked to the perceived effectiveness of the rally in expressing values and influencing the public. For those who were members of an organization, intentions were linked only to the effectiveness of the rally in building an oppositional movement.