13 resultados para Benevolent Sexism

em University of Queensland eSpace - Australia


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Our previous research has shown that individuals who show a greater endorsement of benevolently sexist beliefs are more likely to blame acquaintance rape victims in comparison to stranger rape victims (Abrams et al., 2003). Two studies investigating the role of benevolent sexism (BS) in accounting for participants' responses to acquaintance vs. stranger rape perpetrators were conducted. Participants were presented with vignettes describing either an acquaintance rape or a stranger rape. As predicted, participants who showed a greater endorsement of benevolently sexist beliefs attributed less blame (Study 1) and recommended shorter sentences (Study 2) for the acquaintance rape perpetrator than participants with a lesser endorsement of benevolently sexist beliefs. Benevolent sexism was unrelated to reactions to the perpetrator in the stranger rape condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In most jurisdictions, the law does not recognize the distinction between stranger and acquaintance rape. However, these two types of rape seem to elicit different responses from both lay observers and legal practitioners. Two studies investigating the role of benevolent sexism (BS) in accounting for participants' responses to acquaintance vs. stranger rape perpetrators are reported. Participants were presented with vignettes describing either an acquaintance rape or a stranger rape. As predicted, relative to low-BS individuals, participants who scored high in BS attributed less blame ( Study 1) and recommended shorter sentences ( Study 2) for the acquaintance rape perpetrator. Benevolent sexism was unrelated to reactions to the perpetrator in the stranger rape condition.

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Researchers have suggested that paternalistic attitudes may influence people's perceptions of female offenders. In the current study, we examined the role of benevolent and hostile sexism in people's perceptions of a specific female offender (Myra Hindley), who can be viewed as having violated traditional gender role assumptions. We observed that benevolent sexism (but not hostile sexism) was related to negative evaluations of Myra Hindley. In addition, mediation analyses suggest that the relationship between benevolent sexism and the negative evaluations of Myra Hindley was partially accounted for by participants' perceptions that Myra Hindley possessed traits that violated traditional gender role stereotypes. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

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In Studies I and 21 after reading an acquaintance-rape but not a stranger-rape scenario, higher benevolent. sexist but not hostile sexist participants blamed the victim significantly more. In Study 2, higher hostile sexist but not benevolent sexist male participants showed significantly greater proclivity to commit acquaintance (but not stranger) rape. Studies 3 a effects of nd 4 'slippor,ted the hypothesis that the benevolent sexism and hostile sexism are mediated by different perceptions of the victim, as behaving. inappropriately and as really wanting sex with the rapist. These findings show that benevolent sexism and hostile sexism,underpin different assumptions about women that, generate sexist reactions toward rape victims.

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Previous research has established that benevolent sexism is related to the negative evaluation of women who violate specific norms for behavior. Research has yet to document the causal impact of hostile sexism on evaluations of individual targets. Correlational evidence and ambivalent sexism theory led us to predict that hostile sexism would be associated with negative evaluations of a female candidate for a masculine-typed occupational role. Participants completed the ASI (P. Glick & S. T. Fiske, 1996) and evaluated a curriculum vitae from either a male or female candidate. Higher hostile sexism was significantly associated with more negative evaluations of the female candidate and with lower recommendations that she be employed as a manager. Conversely, higher hostile sexism was significantly associated with higher recommendations that a male candidate should be employed as a manager. Benevolent sexism was unrelated to evaluations and recommendations in this context. The findings support the hypothesis that hostile, but not benevolent, sexism results in negativity toward individual women who pose a threat to men's status in the workplace.

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In the current study, we examined the influence of victim type and hostile sexism on men's judgments about an acquaintance rape victim and their self-reported acquaintance rape proclivity. It was predicted that hostile sexism would predict self-reported rape proclivity, but that this relationship would be moderated by victim type. Specifically, it was predicted that participants would report greater proclivity in relation to a victim who appeared not to adhere to traditional gender stereotypes than to a victim who appeared to adhere to such stereotypes. Further, in line with D. Abrams, G. T. Viki, B. Masser, and G. Bohner (2003), it was predicted that the relationship between hostile sexism and rape proclivity would be mediated by perceptions of token resistance by the victim. Results partially supported the hypotheses. Hostile sexism was positively related to rape proclivity, but victim type was not found to moderate the relationship. In addition, perceptions of token resistance were found to mediate the hostile sexism and rape proclivity relationship. The results suggest that, at least in terms of rape proclivity, hostile sexists may not differentiate in their targets for sexual aggression.

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A 16-nation study involving 8,360 participants revealed that hostile and benevolent attitudes toward men, assessed by the Ambivalence Toward Men Inventory (P. Glick & S. T. Fiske, 1999), were (a) reliably measured across cultures, (b) positively correlated (for men and women, within samples and across nations) with each other and with hostile and benevolent sexism toward women (Ambivalent Sexism Inventory, P. Glick & S. T. Fiske, 1996), and (c) negatively correlated with gender equality in cross-national comparisons. Stereotype measures indicated that men were viewed as having less positively valenced but more powerful traits than women. The authors argue that hostile as well as benevolent attitudes toward men reflect and support gender inequality by characterizing men as being designed for dominance.

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Developing the social identity theory of leadership (e.g., [Hogg, M. A. (2001). A social identity theory of leadership. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 5, 184-200]), an experiment (N=257) tested the hypothesis that as group members identify more strongly with their group (salience) their evaluations of leadership effectiveness become more strongly influenced by the extent to which their demographic stereotype-based impressions of their leader match the norm of the group (prototypicality). Participants, with more or less traditional gender attitudes (orientation), were members, under high or low group salience conditions (salience), of non-interactive laboratory groups that had instrumental or expressive group norms (norm), and a male or female leader (leader gender). As predicted, these four variables interacted significantly to affect perceptions of leadership effectiveness. Reconfiguration of the eight conditions formed by orientation, norm and leader gender produced a single prototypicality variable. Irrespective of participant gender, prototypical leaders were considered more effective in high then low salience groups, and in high salience groups prototypical leaders were more effective than less prototypical leaders. Alternative explanations based on status characteristics and role incongruity theory do not account well for the findings. Implications of these results for the glass ceiling effect and for a wider social identity analysis of the impact of demographic group membership on leadership in small groups are discussed. (c) 2006 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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Sex segregation in employment is a phenomenon that can be observed and analysed at different levels, ranging from comparisons between broad classifications by industry or occupation through to finely defined jobs within such classifications. From an aggregate perspective, the contribution of information technology (IT) employment to sex segregation is clear--it remains a highly male-dominated field apparently imbued with the ongoing masculinity of science and technology. While this situation is clearly contrary to hopes of a new industry freed from traditional distinctions between 'men's' and 'women's' work, it comes as little surprise to most feminist and labour studies analysts. An extensive literature documents the persistently masculine culture of IT employment and education (see, among many, Margolis and Fisher 2002; Wajcman 1991; Webster 1996; Wright 1996, 1997), and the idea that new occupations might escape sexism by sidestepping 'old traditions' has been effectively critiqued by writers such as Adam, who notes the fallacy of assuming a spontaneous emergence of equality in new settings (2005: 140).

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Despite institutional commitment to diversity initiatives (e.g., affirmative action), employees often harbour negative attitudes towards such initiatives and their beneficiaries. Dispositional variables (e.g., neo-sexism), have often been implicated in these negative reactions. We reason that more immediate group-based beliefs (e.g., subjective beliefs about the intergroup context), also shape attitudinal and behavioural reactions and that individual and group-based beliefs are rationalised through appeals to justice and fairness concerns. In this study using early career academics we examined the role of individual differences and socio-structural beliefs (about the stability, legitimacy and permeability of the intergroup situation), to feelings of relative deprivation, perceived justice and attitudes towards gender equity initiatives. Results provided support for the role of group-based beliefs and for the mediating role of justice concerns.