169 resultados para Hogarth House, London.


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The project comprises of the re-ordering and extension of a 19th century country house in the extreme south west of Ireland. The original house is what can be termed an Irish house of the middle size. A common typology in 19th century Ireland the classical house of the middle size is characterised by a highly ordered plan containing a variety of rooms within a square or rectangular form. A strategy of elaborating the threshold between the reception rooms of the house and the garden was adopted by wrapping the house in a notional forest of columns creating deep verandas to the south and west
of the main living spaces. The grid of structural columns derived its proportions directly from the house. The columns became analogous with the mature oak and pine trees in the garden beyond while the floor and ceiling were considered as landscapes in their own right, with the black floor forming hearth stone, kitchen island and basement cellar and the concrete roof inflected to hold roof lights, a chimney and a landscape of pleasure on the roof above.

Aims / Objectives / Questions
1To restore and extend a “house of the middle size”, a historic Irish typology, in a sympathetic manner.
2To address the new build accommodation in a sustainable manner through strategies associated with orientation, micro climates, materiality and engineering both mechanical and structural.
3To explore and develop an understanding for two spatial orders, the enfilade room and non directional space of the grid.
4The creation of deep threshold space.
5Marbling as a finish in fair faced concrete
6Concrete as a sustainable building material

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Thie examines the continuing role that the landed class enjoyed in Northern Ireland in contrast to the experience of their fellow landlords in the rest of Ireland following Partition. It argues that the senses of tradition and continuity which the unionist population in particular attributed to the old landed elite gave them an important role in bolstering the newly created state of Northern Ireland. In turn this allowed them to continue acting as a social elite long after the economic and political foundations of their ascendancy had been removed.

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Londons successful bid for the 2012 Olympic Games presented a diverse, cosmopolitan city opening its arms and “welcoming the world.” This article explores the apparently benign gesture of hospitality contained in Londons official candidature files submitted in 2004 and asks how such a promise of inclusiveness is managed. We argue that Londons depiction of itself as hospitable to every kind of visitor relies on subtle techniques of governmentality in which the subject positions of “host” and “guest” are imagined and produced in ways that make them more governable. By this, we are not referring to acts of authority, coercion, or discipline that exclude subjects or render them docile bodies within a rigid panoptical city. Rather, we are referring to the delicate ways in which the official bid document imagines and produces the ideal subject positions of host and guest and in so doing enables, encourages, and incentivizes certain behaviors. This analysis of urban welcoming takes us beyond reductive oppositions of hospitality and hostility, inclusion and exclusion, self and other. It focuses instead on how Londons inclusive welcome produces a variety of host and guest positions (for example, the “Olympic Family,” volunteers, guest workers), segregates them within the city, and then “conducts their conduct” in the areas of planning, security, transport, accommodation, education, and training. By analyzing the techniques of governmentality at work in Londons 2004 bid document, this article foregrounds the enabling form of power driving the city’s inclusive welcome and exposes its inherent micropolitics.

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John Perceval (1685–1748), 1st Viscount Perceval and (from 1733) 1st Earl of Egmont, was an assiduous recorder of his own life and times. His diaries, published by the Historical Manuscripts Commission from manuscripts in the British Library, are the best source for parliamentary debates at Westminster in the 1730s. For the years 1730-1733, when Perceval sat in the Commons (as an Irish peer) they are remarkably full. His practice seems to have been to prepare two versions (presumably on the basis of notes taken in the House), the first attributing speeches to individuals, and the second, entered up in the diary, which listed speakers and summarized all arguments on each side. His letterbooks for 1731 contain accounts of five debates that embody his first editing process, with speeches attributed to individuals. They were sent to an Irish correspondent, Marmaduke Coghill, and largely omitted from the diary because Perceval had already transcribed them elsewhere. They are new to historians and cast light on two main issues: the unsuccessful attempts by Perceval and the ‘Irish lobby’ to persuade the British parliament to settle the Irish woollen trade, a question bedevilling Anglo-Irish relations in this period; and an attempt by the opposition to stir up anger against perceived Spanish aggression against Gibraltar. One of the most interesting features is the insight afforded into the Commons performances of Sir Robert Walpole: his management of debates, his own style of speaking, and his sharp exchanges with opponents like William Pulteney.