109 resultados para Anglo-Catholicism.


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The interwar era saw the collapse of liberal democracy and the rise of anti-democratic authoritarian movements and states throughout much of Europe. Parliamentary or liberal democracy proved especially vulnerable in countries with large Catholic populations and ‘successor states’ – those states that achieved independence following the Great War. Despite meeting both criteria, the democratic structures of the Irish Free State – established in 1922 following a revolutionary struggle against British rule – proved remarkably resilient: indeed, it was arguably the only successor state to remain fully democratic by 1939 This outcome appears all the more striking given the formation of the state amidst a civil war, a form of conflict that frequently prevented the successful emergence of democracy. This is an article about the dog that didn’t bark: why did the kind of authoritarian political movements that flourished in many other parts of interwar Europe attract negligible support in the Irish Free State, and what does this have to tell us about the relationship between Catholicism and authoritarian politics? It begins by surveying the Irish Catholic Church’s attitudes to far-right politics in Continental Europe, and assessing how ‘official’ Catholic attitudes shaped popular perceptions of fascism and clerical authoritarianism within Ireland. It then explores the extent to which Ireland’s only significant fascistic movement – the Blueshirts – was influenced by, and sought to exploit, Catholicism. It concludes by questioning whether the immense influence of the Catholic Church and Catholic values within Irish political culture and society facilitated or hindered the cause of authoritarian politics in Ireland.

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This article supports interpretations of the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 as a significant factor contributing to the development of the Northern Ireland peace process. However, it also emphasises a certain serendipity in the Agreement's effect on northern nationalist, and more specifically republican, politics in the region. In particular, it stresses that a specific interpretation of the Agreement promoted by the Social Democratic and Labour Party inspired a dialogue with republicanism, encouraging an ongoing reappraisal within the latter about the nature of Britain's role in Northern Ireland. This, the article argues, reinforced the movement towards a more political approach that republicans had begun in the 1980s, and encouraged their eventual embrace of a constitutional strategy in the 1990s. However, in advancing this argument, the article notes that such an outcome was far from the minds of the British and Irish officials who negotiated the Anglo-Irish Agreement. The Agreement was intended to marginalise rather than accommodate republicans. Despite this, it provided an inadvertent incentive to draw militant republicanism into the democratic process in Northern Ireland.

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This article supports interpretations of the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 as a significant factor contributing towards the development of the Northern Ireland peace process. However, it also emphasises a certain serendipity in the Agreement’s effect on northern nationalist, and more specifically republican, politics in the region. In particular, it stresses that a specific interpretation of the Agreement promoted by the SDLP inspired a dialogue with republicanism, encouraging an ongoing re-appraisal within the latter about the nature of Britain’s role in Northern Ireland. This, the article argues, reinforced the movement towards a more political approach that republicans had begun in the 1980s, and encouraged their eventual embrace of a constitutional strategy in the 1990s. However, in advancing this argument, the article notes that such an outcome was far from the minds of the British and Irish officials who negotiated the Anglo-Irish Agreement. The Agreement was intended to marginalise rather than accommodate republicans. Despite this, it provided an inadvertent incentive to draw militant republicanism into the democratic process in Northern Ireland.

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This article argues that the expansion of individual employment rights is presenting a series of challenges to the collective model of economic citizenship that prevailed in most of the Anglo-American world during the last century. We examine developments in the management of workplace conflict in Anglo-American countries to highlight the institutional manoeuvrings that have been taking place to mould the nature of national regimes of employment rights. We argue that Governments almost everywhere are actively seeking to create institutional regimes that weaken the impact of employment legislation and we find that statutory dispute resolution agencies are eagerly trying to develop organizational identities that are aligned with rights-based employment disputes.

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In the 19th century, firms operating in the Anglo-Indian tea trade were organised using a variety ownership forms including the partnership, joint-stock and a combination of the two known as the Managing agency. Faced with both an increasing need for fixed capital and high agency costs caused by the distance between owners and managers, the firms adapted and increasingly adopted the hybrid managing agency model to overcome these problems. Using new data from Calcutta and Bengal Commercial Registers and detailed case studies of the Assam Company and Gillanders, Arbuthnot and Co, this paper demonstrates that British entrepreneurs did not see the choice of ownership as a dichotomy or firm boundaries as fixed, but instead innovatively drew on the strengths of different forms of ownership to compete and grow successfully.

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The Scottish Committee on the History of Parliament was established in 1936 as an offshoot of Col. Josiah Wedgwood's scheme for a collaborative ‘history of parliament’ researched and written on biographical lines. Circumstances, however, determined that the Scottish history would take a separate path. When Wedgwood's scheme was revived in 1951 an unsuccessful attempt was made to reintegrate the two projects. Discussions between the respective managing committees were conflicted and often bad-tempered, focussing on different interpretations of the nature of the united parliament created in 1707. The Scottish committee insisted that it was a new constitutional entity, while the English saw it as a continuation of the Westminster parliament with Scottish MPs added. This story of mutual incomprehension illustrates the profound differences between Scottish and English academics in the writing of parliamentary history, and also reveals a hitherto unobserved element in the development among leading Scottish jurists of a strain of ‘legal nationalism’ based on their interpretation of the constitutional significance of the Union.

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The conquest of Ireland between 1649 and 1653 created almost as many problems as it solved for the English government of the country. Not least of these was how, if at all, the majority Catholic population was to be won over to Protestantism. This article reassesses Cromwellian religious policy towards the Catholic laity and traces its evolution up to the end of the decade, taking account also of Catholic responses to official measures. It argues that the supposed leniency of government policy has been overstated and that Catholics who refused to conform to Protestantism in fact risked heavy penalties.

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J.W. Binns, Modern Language Review 101.2 (2006), 504-5:
‘This book is an important contribution to the study of Anglo-Latin poetry in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries … ’Haan provides an able and authoritative account …, setting the poems in their contexts, and providing for each a very clear and penetrating analysis which traces the classical well-springs that lie behind much of Addison’s Latin writing, and also calls attention to non-traditional elements’.

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Recent R-matrix calculations of electron impact excitation rates among the 3s(2)3p(4) levels of Cl II are used to derive the nebular emission-line intensity ratios R-1=I(6161.8 Angstrom)/I(8578.7 Angstrom) and R-2=I(6161.8 Angstrom)/I(9123.6 Angstrom) as a function of electron temperature (T-e) and density (N-e). The ratios are found to be very sensitive to changes in T-e but not N-e for densities lower than 10(5) cm(-3). Hence, they should, in principle, provide excellent optical T-e diagnostics for planetary nebulae. The observed values of R-1 and R-2 for the planetary nebulae NGC 6741 and IC 5117, measured from spectra obtained with the Hamilton echelle spectrograph on the 3 m Shane Telescope, imply temperatures in excellent agreement with those derived from other diagnostic lines formed in the same region of the nebula as [Cl II]. This provides some observational support for the accuracy of the [Cl II] line ratio calculations and hence the atomic data on which they are based. The [Cl II] 8578.7 and 9123.6 Angstrom lines are identified for the first time (to our knowledge) in a high-resolution spectrum of the symbiotic star RR Telescopii, obtained with the University College London Echelle Spectrograph on the 3.9 m Anglo- Australian Telescope. However, the 6161.8 Angstrom feature is unfortunately too weak to be identified in the RR Telescopii observations, consistent with its predicted line strength.

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A preliminary search for stars that may have formed coevally with the apparently young halo B-type star PHL 346 has been performed with the 2dF multifibre spectrograph on the Anglo- Australian Telescope (AAT). Candidates were selected for spectroscopy from APM scans of B and R Schmidt plates centred on PHL 346. A total of 476 stars of spectral type A or F were found; radial velocity estimates and more accurate spectral type assignments narrowed the number of possible coeval candidates to 6 A-type and 14 F-type stars. A statistical analysis of these results using a comparison with a control field suggests that the number of A-type or F-type candidate stars around PHL 346 is not unexpected, and that they need not be associated with PHL 346. A number of ways to improve the project are suggested.