268 resultados para increased competition
Resumo:
Objective: To compare sperm yields, apoptotic indices, and sperm DNA fragmentation from vasectomized men and fertile men undergoing vasectomy.
Design: Testicular biopsies from vasectomized (n 26) and fertile men (n 46), were milked to calculate sperm/gram and also formalin-?xed to determine the numbers of developing sperm and incidence and intensities of testicular FasL, Fas, Bax, and Bcl-2. Testicular sperm DNA fragmentation was assessed using the alkaline Comet assay.
Setting: An ART unit.
Patient(s): Twenty-six men attending for intracytoplasmic sperm injection (ICSI) and 46 men attending for vasectomies.
Main Outcome Measure(s): Spermatocyte, spermatid and sperm yields, Fas, FasL, and Bax staining.
Result(s): Sperm yields from men vasectomized 5 years previously were markedly reduced compared to fertile men. Increased intensities of FasL and Bax staining were observed in the seminiferous tubules of vasectomy men. FasL positivity (percentage) also increased in Sertoli cells, and both FasL and Fas positivity (percentage) increased in primary spermatocytes and round spermatids of vasectomized men. Sperm DNA fragmentation, an end point marker of apoptosis, increased signi?cantly in vasectomized men compared to fertile men.
Conclusion(s): Reduced sperm yields after vasectomy are associated with increased apoptosis through the Fas–FasL and Bax pathways. Sperm after vasectomy displayed increased DNA fragmentation. (Fertil Steril 2007;87:834–41. ©2007 by American Society for Reproductive Medicine.)
Resumo:
Political cleavages are often understood as deriving from either deep-rooted social divisions or institutional incentives. Contemporary Northern Ireland provides a test of the mutability of apparently entrenched cleavages to institutional change. Research undertaken before the ceasefire in the 1990s found noticeable asymmetries in the patterns of cleavage within the unionist and nationalist blocs. Within the unionist bloc, economic 'left-right' issues formed the main ideological division between the two major unionist parties. This contrasted with an ethno-national source of ideological division between the two nationalist parties. The emergence of a consociational form of government structure since then has demonstrated the ability of institutional incentives to swiftly reform some aspects of party competition however. As evidence of this, we show that between 1989 and 2004 there was little change in the sources of support for Sinn F�©in relative to the SDLP, but the influence of left-right ideology within the unionist bloc was negated as the influence of ethno-nationalism dramatically increased.
Resumo:
This paper was published in the highly respected, peer reviewed and ISI ranked journal - 'European Integration on-line paper series