High-capacity hydrogen and nitric oxide adsorption and storage in a metal-organic framework

Gas adsorption experiments have been carried out on a copper benzene tricarboxylate metal-organic framework material, HKUST-1. Hydrogen adsorption at 1 and 10 bar (both 77 K) gives an adsorption capacity of 11.16 mmol H-2 per g of HKUST-1 (22.7 mg g(-1), 2.27 wt %) at 1 bar and 18 mmol per g (36.28 mg g(-1), 3.6 wt %) at 10 bar. Adsorption of D-2 at 1 bar (77 K) is between 1.09 (at 1 bar) and 1.20(at < 100 mbar) times the H-2 values depending on the pressure, agreeing with the theoretical expectations. Gravimetric adsorption measurements of NO on HKUST-1 at 196 K (1 bar) gives a large adsorption capacity of similar to 9 mmol g(-1), which is significantly greater than any other adsorption capacity reported on a porous solid. At 298 K the adsorption capacity at 1 bar is just over 3 mmol g(-1). Infra red experiments show that the NO binds to the empty copper metal sites in HKUST-1. Chemiluminescence and platelet aggregometry experiments indicate that the amount of NO recovered on exposure of the resulting complex to water is enough to be biologically active, completely inhibiting platelet aggregation in platelet rich plasma.

The relationship between spatial planning and economic competitiveness: the ‘path to economic nirvana’ or a ‘dangerous obsession’?

This paper offers a contribution to contemporary studies of spatial planning. In particular, it problematises the relationship between neoliberal competitiveness and spatial planning. Neoliberal competitiveness is a hegemonic discourse in public policy as it (allegedly) provides the ‘path to economic nirvana’. However, commentators have critiqued its theoretical underpinnings and labelled it a ‘dangerous obsession’ for policy makers. Another set of literatures argues that spatial planning can be understood as a form of ‘neoliberal spatial governance’ and read in a ‘postpolitical’ framework that ‘privileges competitiveness’. Synthesising these debates this paper critically analyses the application and operationalisation of neoliberal competitiveness in Northern Ireland and Belfast. In focusing on this unique case study—a deeply divided society with a turbulent history—the paper takes the debate forward in arguing that rather than offering the ‘path to economic nirvana’ neoliberal competitiveness is a ‘postpolitical strategy’ and represents a ‘dangerous obsession’ for spatial planning.

City of Dreams? Belfast, planning and the ‘myth’ of development

The future of Belfast is found in its plans – beginning with 1945 planning proposals to the recently adopted Belfast Metropolitan Area Plan, these documents have aimed to encourage and channel urban development processes to secure collective outcomes that enhance the public interest. Central to this objective has been the idea of ‘development’ and in this paper we interrogate the representation of this concept in the urban discourse of Belfast. We seek to do this by first exploring how ‘development’ and associated concepts are articulated in key spatial policy documents and then contrast these with examples of some of the key physical, spatial outcomes of economic processes that have occurred in the last ten years. The paper will review the dominant trajectories of urban change in Belfast, consider their implications and relate these to the official goals and aspirations represented in planning strategies and regeneration visions for the city. In doing this we draw on the recent work of Marcuse (2015) to identify how ideas of ‘development’ and ‘growth’ have been used to anonymise, harmonize and homogenise the outcomes of these spatial processes. The paper will conclude by considering how Belfast’s urban discourse acts to suppresses alternative visions of the city and explores the potential consequences of this for the new governance arrangements for planning in Belfast.

The planning and control of operations involving the use of lethal force

This is an analysis of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights on the obligation on States to plan and control the use of potentially lethal force by their police and military personnel. It illustrates the Court's attachment to the strict or careful scrutiny test and suggests how the Court might want to develop its jurisprudence in the future.