56 resultados para Ware, Fabian


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CCTV systems are broadly deployed in the present world. Despite this, the impact on anti-social and criminal behaviour has been minimal. Subject reacquisition is a fundamental task to ensure in-time reaction for intelligent surveillance. However, traditional reacquisition based on face recognition is not scalable, hence in this paper we use reasoning techniques to reduce the computational effort which deploys the time-of-flight information between interested zones such as airport security corridors. Also, to improve accuracy of reacquisition, we introduce the idea of revision as a method of post-processing.We demonstrate the significance and usefulness of our framework with an experiment which shows much less computational effort and better accuracy.

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Inconsistencies surrounding the prevalence levels of depression in later life suggest that the measurement of depression in older people may be problematic. The current study aimed to map responses to a depressive symptom scale, the Mental Health Index-5 (MHI-5) which is part of the Short form 36 (SF-36, Ware et al., 1993) against the diagnostic screening items of the Composite International Diagnostic Instrument-Short Form (CIDI-SF, Kessler et al., 1998) to examine disagreement rates across age groups. The study examined data from a national random sample of 10,641 participants living in Ireland, 58.8% were female and 19% were over 65 (SLÁN, 2007). CIDI-SF depression screening endorsement was lower in older groups, whereas mean MHI-5 depressive symptoms showed less change across age groups. Results showed that the odds of MHI-5 endorsers aged 18–44 endorsing CIDI-SF screening questions were 5 times and 4.5 times (dysphoria and anhedonia, respectively) greater than the odds of people aged 75 or more endorsing these items. Findings suggest that although the risk of depressive disorder may decrease with age, complex diagnostic screening questions may exaggerate lower rates of depression among older people.

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Lung matrix homeostasis partly depends on the fine regulation of proteolytic activities. We examined the expression of human cysteine cathepsins (Cats) and their relative contribution to TGF-β1-induced fibroblast differentiation into myofibroblasts. Assays were conducted using both primary fibroblasts obtained from patients with idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis (IPF) and human lung CCD-19Lu fibroblasts. Pharmacological inhibition and genetic silencing of Cat B diminished α-smooth muscle actin expression, delayed fibroblast differentiation and led to an accumulation of intracellular 50-kDa TGF-β1. Moreover addition of Cat B generated 25-kDa mature form of TGF-β1 in Cat B siRNA-pretreated lysates. Inhibition of Cat B decreased Smad 2/3 phosphorylation, but had no effect on p38 MAPK and JNK phosphorylation indicating that Cat B mostly disturbs TGF-β1-driven canonical Smad signaling pathway. While mRNA expression of cystatin C was stable, its secretion, which was inhibited by brefeldin A, increased during TGF-β1-induced differentiation of IPF and CCD-19Lu fibroblasts. In addition cystatin C participated in the control of extracellular Cats, since its gene silencing restored their proteolytic activities. These data support the notion that Cat B participates in lung myofibrogenesis as suggested for stellate cells during liver fibrosis. Moreover, we propose that TGF-β1 promotes fibrosis by driving the effective cystatin C-dependent inhibition of extracellular matrix-degrading Cats.

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The aim of this article is to combine Pettit’s account(s) of freedom, both his work on discursive control and on non-domination, with Pippin’s and Brandom’s reinterpretation of Hegelian rational agency and the role of recognition theory within it. The benefits of combining these two theories lie, as the article hopes to show, in three findings: first, re-examining Hegelian agency in the spirit of Brandom and Pippin in combination with Pettit’s views on freedom shows clearly why and in which way a Hegelian account of rational agency can ground an attractive socio-political account of freedom; second, the reconciling of discursive control and non-domination with Hegelian agency shows how the force and scope of recognition become finally tangible, without either falling into the trap of overburdening the concept, or merely reducing it to the idea of simple respect; third, the arguments from this article also highlight the importance of freedom as non-domination and how this notion is, indeed, as Pettit himself claims, an agency-freedom which aims at successfully securing the social, political, economic and even (some) psychological conditions for free and autonomous agency.

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The national resource privilege, which holds that states are allowed to control all the natural resources found in their territory, is a cornerstone of international politics. Supporters of the national resource privilege claim that without the privilege states would fail to be sovereign and self-determining entities which provide for the needs of their citizens. However, as this paper shows the case is not as simple as that. In fact, control over resources must be carefully unpacked. Doing so shows that states do not require full control over all resources found in their territory in order to be sovereign. Moreover, sovereignty and self-determination come with a set of responsibilities and duties attached. Based on these observations the paper will sketch the contours of an alternative resource governance scheme built around the idea of an International Court of the Environment.

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Burkholderia cepacia complex organisms are important transmissible pathogens found in cystic fibrosis (CF) patients. In recent years, the rates of cross-infection of epidemic strains have declined due to effective infection control efforts. However, cases of sporadic B. cepacia complex infection continue to occur in some centers. The acquisition pathways and clinical outcomes of sporadic B. cepacia complex infection are unclear. We sought to determine the patient clinical characteristics, outcomes, incidence, and genotypic relatedness for all cases of B. cepacia complex infection at two CF centers. We also sought to study the external conditions that influence the acquisition of infection. From 2001 to 2011, 67 individual organisms were cultured from the respiratory samples of 64 patients. Sixty-five percent of the patients were adults, in whom chronic infections were more common (68%) (P = 0.006). The incidence of B. cepacia complex infection increased by a mean of 12% (95% confidence interval [CI], 3 to 23%) per year. The rates of transplantation and death were similar in the incident cases who developed chronic infection compared to those in patients with chronic Pseudomonas aeruginosa infection. Multilocus sequence typing revealed 50 individual strains from 65 isolates. Overall, 85% of the patients were infected with unique strains, suggesting sporadic acquisition of infection. The yearly incidence of nonepidemic B. cepacia complex infection was positively correlated with the amount of rainfall in the two sites examined: subtropical Brisbane (r = 0.65, P = 0.031) and tropical Townsville (r = 0.82, P = 0.002). This study demonstrates that despite strict cohort segregation, new cases of unrelated B. cepacia complex infection continue to occur. These data also support an environmental origin of infection and suggest that climate conditions may be associated with the acquisition of B. cepacia complex infections.

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The republican idea of non-domination stresses the importance of certain social relationships for a person’s freedom, showing that freedom is a social-relational state. While the idea of freedom as non-domination receives a lot of attention in the literature, republican theorists say surprisingly little about equality. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to carve out the contours of a republican conception of equality.. In so doing, I will argue that republican accounts of equality share a significant normative overlap with the idea of social equality. However, closer analysis of Philip Pettit’s account of ‘expressive egalitarianism’ (which Pettit sees as inherently connected to non-domination) and recent theories of social equality shows that republican non-domination – in contrast to what Pettit seems to claim – is not sufficient for securing (republican) social equality. In order to secure social equality for all, republicans would have to go beyond non-domination.

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When it comes to assessing the deontic status of acts and policies in the context of risk and uncertainty, moral theories are often at a loss. In this paper we hope to show that employing a multi-dimensional consequentialist framework provides ethical guidance for decision-making in complex situations. The paper starts by briefly rehearsing consequentialist responses to the issue of risk, as well as their shortcomings. We then go on to present our own proposal based on three dimensions: wellbeing, fairness and probability. In the last section we apply our approach to a comparison of different climate policy options, including stratospheric solar-radiation management.

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According to the Budget Approach proposed by the German Advisory Council on Global Change (WBGU), allocating CO2 emission rights to countries on an equal per-capita basis would provide an ethically justified response to global climate change. In this paper, we will highlight four normative issues which beset the WBGU’s Budget Approach: (1) the approach’s core principle of distributive justice, the principle of equality, and its associated policy of emissions egalitarianism are much more complex than it initially appears; (2) the “official” rationale for determining the size of the budget should be modified in order to avoid implausible normative assumptions about the imposition of permissible intergenerational risks; (3) the approach heavily relies on trade-offs between justice and feasibility which should be stated more explicitly; and (4) part of the approach’s ethical appeal depends on policy instruments which are “detachable” from the approach’s core principle of distributive justice.

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The first collected volume on social and relational equality.
Addresses a gap in the literature - while many philosophers have pointed to the importance of social equality, it requires much more theoretical development, which this volume aims to provide.
Offers a unique answer to the debate about whether or not equality is valuable.
Features a foreword by eminent political theorist David Miller
Includes new contributions by some of the most well-known contemporary moral and political philosophers, such as Samuel Scheffler and Jonathan Wolff.
Is equality valuable? This question dominates many discussions of social justice, which tend to center on whether certain forms of distributive equality are valuable, such as the equal distribution of primary social goods. But these discussions often neglect what is known as social or relational equality. Social equality suggests that equality is foremost about relationships and interactions between people, rather than being primarily about distribution.

A number of philosophers have written about the significance of social equality, and it has also played an important role in real-life egalitarian movements, such as feminism and civil rights movements. However, as it has been relatively neglected in comparison to the debates about distributive equality, it requires much more theoretical attention. This volume brings together a collection of ten original essays which present new analyses of social and relational equality in philosophy and political theory. The essays analyze the nature of social equality, as well as its relationship to justice and politics.

Readership: The book is primarily aimed at professionals in the field - philosophers (especially in moral, social and political philosophy) and political theorists. It is also aimed at the academic library market. Moreover, the book should be of interest to advanced undergraduate and postgraduate students attending courses on theories of equality and/or social justice.

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The aim of this paper is to link empirical findings concerning environmental inequalities with different normative yard-sticks for assessing whether these inequalities should be deemed unjust, or not. We argue that such an inquiry must necessarily take into account some caveats regarding both empirical research and normative theory. We suggest that empirical results must be contextualised by establishing geographies of risk. As a normative yard-stick we propose a moderately demanding social-egalitarian account of justice and democratic citizenship, which we take to be best suited to identify unjust as well as legitimate instances of socio-environmental inequality.