10 resultados para marxismo

em Portal de Revistas Científicas Complutenses - Espanha


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A partir del triunfo de la Revolución Cubana las acciones de propaganda indirecta devinieron ejercicio profesional dentro de la gama de acciones de los medios de comunicación masivos, asociados a la construcción y afianzamiento de la ideología socialista imperante en nuestro país y al mismo tiempo, aferrados a los preceptos de la comunicación política.Este factor ha influido en que esta tipología comunicativa en la emisora Radio Vitral de Sancti Spíritus constituya un quehacer imprescindible en los mensajes, lo cual se convirtió en punto de partida para, mediante una metodología de corte cualitativo y con los merecidos referentes teóricos, realizar un diagnóstico de cada una de las particularidades, dígase categoría, subcategorías e indicadores de la propaganda indirecta en este medio de comunicación del centro de Cuba, lo cual sirvió de soporte para la validación teórico metodológica de este instrumento evaluador.Asimismo, con los resultados analizados en el diagnóstico de la propaganda indirecta se determinó que se carecía, a diferencia de la creación directa, de herramientas para evaluar la eficacia de los mensajes comunicativos, acordes con las características propias del sistema radiofónico, lo cual devino motivo para proponer una herramienta científica y teórico metodológica que permita evaluar el quehacer propagandístico indirecto en el medio radiofónico, que des las miradas de las mediaciones sociales y la recepción activa garantice su aplicación en cada una de las emisoras cubanas.

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The transition from a positivist matrix to an idealistic one in Argentinean academic philosophy can be read as a result of a gradual and problematic pollution. It was, also, heavily traversed by considerations that exceeded the theoretical aspects. Based on the willingness to explore this transit, the article pays attention to one of the episodes of this contamination: how the Revista de Filosofía reads Croce and Gentile’s philosophy. Observing there some possibility of dialogue between positivist assumptions, with which the journal takes a position, and the idealism the article analyze how this dialogue and its limits were given from a political consideration. If the idealism was condemned, it is centrally owed to its performance during the first years of the government of Mussolini. If, meanwhile, it was some to rescue of that philosophy, it was that it contributed to think the revolutionary change.

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Este trabajo estudia el proyecto editorial de la Revista de América (1912-1914), fundada en París y dirigida por Francisco García Calderón. Mi propósito es analizar el modo en que muchos de los vínculos entre los escritores latinoamericanos radicados en París entre fines del siglo XIX y la Primera Guerra Mundial se materializaron en la edición de revistas. Propongo examinar las estrategias de difusión de las producciones latinoamericanas en el Viejo Continente, como así también algunos aspectos ideológicos y de intervención intelectual que la revista llegó a articular. En un primer momento, me detengo en los rasgos materiales tanto del proyecto editorial de la revista como de los vínculos entre los latinoamericanos desterrados. Luego indago las distintas formas de mediación crítica, por un lado, y cultural, por otro, que la revista escenificó y, en algunos casos, desarrolló activamente. En efecto, la revista de García Calderón vuelve visible una dimensión mediadora en varios sentidos: mediación crítica entre productores y lectores, pues se propuso como instancia de difusión, al convocar a “a los mejores escritores latinoamericanos”. Al mismo tiempo, propuso otras dos mediaciones: entre pares, al funcionar como consagradora, seleccionando y agrupando simbólicamente a los escritores de cada país latinoamericano. Finalmente, una mediación intercontinental entre culturas en la contemporaneidad, que intentó acercar dos gestos en la acción de la revista: una legitimación del pensamiento y el arte “de ultramar” y una valoración de los desarrollos artísticos europeos del presente.

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The purpose of this article has been made through a Marxist analysis of the US film "Captain Phillips" (PaulGreengrass, 2013), based on a true story. I have found how the evolution of capitalism in the West continuesto consolidate the belief reified in a historical and geographical superiority of the political and socioeconomicwestern models regarding Africa and Asia lowers models. At the same time, through categories like dialecticalmaterialism, criticism of diffusionist theory and application of cognitive mapping to large geopoliticalspaces located in most poor areas of the world, I have realized a remark about currently being articulatingthe political unconscious of working class in rich countries and the poor in poor countries, establishing arelationship between the ideological representation that takes an individual from his historical reality (ona scale that moves from local to global), and how he has developed a mental ability to escape of the responsibilityto make a critical review of what's happening around him in all areas. Finally, through physicalspace captured in the film, I have realized a materialist critique of globalized business process that takesplace through the carriage of goods, outlining spatial and cognitively limits of the mentality of our time, bothamong "winners"as among the "losers", based on the spatial movement of capital.

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The Luce newsreel was a fascist-pivotal propaganda instrument. Mussolini thought movies were the strongestweapon; however, the efficiency of cinematographic propaganda on people did not work as well as expected,especially nonfiction. This article intends to value, through oral testimonies, the influence of Lucenewsreel on the Italian population during fascism, the degree of truth of film news, and which of those piecesof news were more repeated, as well as the influence of the Italian and its leader image on the collective mind.

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Research on women’s employment has proliferated over recent decades, often under a perspective that conceptualizes female labour market activity as independent of male presences and absences in the productive and reproductive spheres. In the face of these approaches, the article argues the need to focus on the couple as the unit of analysis of work-life articulation. After referring to the main theoretical arguments that, from a gender perspective within labour studies, have pointed out the relevance of placing the household as the central space for the analysis of the sexual division of labour, the article reviews different empirical contributions that have incorporated such perspective in the international literature. Next, the state of the art in the Spanish literature is presented, before arguing the desirability of applying such framework of analysis to the study of employment and care work in Spanish households, which are at present undergoing major transformations.

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The TTIP is a proposal on negotiations between the EU and the USA in order to create the largest free international trade area by extension, population and volume of trade of all existing ones. In our view, TTIP would be the geoeconomic answer to BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), as a comercial, geopolitical and cooperation space in other areas such as the military, in both that TTIP reproduce on a commercial scale the political and military alliance already existing between good part of the EU and USA by the NATO. In this paper we will try to explain why the possible rivalry between TTIP and BRICS would reproduce in the XXIst. Century the schemes of “Cold War” inherited from XXth. Century, that in turn reproduced the geopolitical confrontations arising from the theory of Haltford McKinder pivot area and the traditional opposition between thalassocratic imperialisms (government on the seas and oceans) and tellurocratic imperialisms (government on an enormous portion of emerged land). Likewise, we will try to show why, at a dialectic of States level, the most populated, territorially extensive and with greater amount of resources political societies will be those that have the greatest ability to impose a particular model of international relations and its geopolitical hegemony on a universal scale in response to this viable confrontation between TTIP, plus TTP, vs. BRICS.

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In Marxist frameworks “distributive justice” depends on extracting value through a centralized state. Many new social movements—peer to peer economy, maker activism, community agriculture, queer ecology, etc.—take the opposite approach, keeping value in its unalienated form and allowing it to freely circulate from the bottom up. Unlike Marxism, there is no general theory for bottom-up, unalienated value circulation. This paper examines the concept of “generative justice” through an historical contrast between Marx’s writings and the indigenous cultures that he drew upon. Marx erroneously concluded that while indigenous cultures had unalienated forms of production, only centralized value extraction could allow the productivity needed for a high quality of life. To the contrary, indigenous cultures now provide a robust model for the “gift economy” that underpins open source technological production, agroecology, and restorative approaches to civil rights. Expanding Marx’s concept of unalienated labor value to include unalienated ecological (nonhuman) value, as well as the domain of freedom in speech, sexual orientation, spirituality and other forms of “expressive” value, we arrive at an historically informed perspective for generative justice.