9 resultados para SOCIEDAD CIVIL - ASPECTOS POLITICOS

em Portal de Revistas Científicas Complutenses - Espanha


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this paper is about EU “soft policies” on immigrant integration. It analyzes the “Common Basic Principles” (CBPs) and the “European Integration Fund” (EIF), two devices that have been recently established within this framework. It adopts the theoretical perspective of the “anthropology of policy” and “governmentality studies”. It shows the context of birth of the aforementioned devices, as well as their functioning and the assessment done by the actors implied in the elaboration/implementation/evaluation of the related policies. It is based both on documentary research as well as direct observation and interviews done to the actors implied. It concludes that the PBC and the EIF should be considered as a “technology of government”, that strives to align the conduct of the actors with the governmental aims, as well as it produces specific practices and knowledge. It also underlines an intrinsic feature of many policies: their “congenital failure”, since they are (often) disputed and resignified by situated actors, who are embedded in asymmetrical power relations.

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The search for funding is an ongoing task of the company, which is exacerbated, particularly in times of economic crisis, affecting also to the cooperatives. Cooperative legislation available to these entities various instruments of external financing through the issuance of securities (bonds, equity securities, special shares), to them accounts are added in participation, but without much detail in the legal texts. At work we investigate their potential, by looking, especially in those last; We seek to clarify their legal status and contrast their potential as a technical instrument, alternative for funding in the area of cooperative societies. Finally, we also see the impact of the recent Law 5/2015, of promoting business financing in the cooperative sector and ended up proposing some policy adjustments.

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There is a collective worldview on social policies that is expressed and understood by university professionals. However, it takes students time to construct this knowledge. Here, we provide fundamental ideas and a dynamic to facilitate learning of social policies. The preparation of a brief dictionary of significant terms is to be constructed as a group, alongside the maieutic work to be carried out by the teacher. The goal is to discover keys to understand the meaning of social policies and the underlying values that sustain a social and democratic rule-of-law state such as the one proposed in the Spanish Constitution of 1978. Attention is focused on the structure of the mixed welfare state. This is an integral proposal and comprises three dimensions. First, it considers the state and its possible welfare agents: business, market, the Church and civil society. The attitudes with which universal and inclusive social action is promoted, breaking radically with the aid-based meaning contained in other systems, are then addressed. Finally, we examine human dignity as a principle and aim of intervention, a basis for understanding other concepts such as human, social, labour and political rights. It is to be hoped that these pages prove useful for both teaching staff and students.

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La investigación sobre el graffiti relacionado con el arte urbano, el diseño y la comunicación visual, la cultura social y política en la ciudad de Bogotá, son temas que concentran esta investigación. Opiniones y entrevistas fueron revelando la influencia sobre la comunidad, la sociedad civil, la política, y el enfrentamiento radical con la leyes, su clasificación y su exigencia según el estrato social han hecho de los espacios públicos de Bogotá una ciudad con paredes hablantes. Aunque no es tomado como algo malo, -para algunos- vandalismo para otros, despierta en muchos, opiniones diversas y sobre todo una subestimada valoración de los artistas hacia una expresión liberal y democrática de un sistema que los aleja de cualquier exhibición del arte tradicional.

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La Transición española a la democracia ha sido objeto de uno de los más sólidos relatos construidos por el periodismo y refrendado por la sociedad civil. En su corazón tiene lugar un momento de violencia que se concentra en la llamada semana negra de enero de 1977, cuyo clímax está representado por la matanza de Atocha. El presente artículo analiza las distintas etapas de cristalización de ese relato: un capítulo de La Transición (Elías Andrés, Victoria Prego, 1995), Siete días de enero (J.A. Bardem, 1978), un reportaje de Interviú (febrero de 1977) y las crónicas periodísticas de El País, Diario16 y Mundo Obrero. Especial atención se presta a la figura de Santiago Carrillo, identificado con la estrategia del PCE, cuya consideración cambió radicalmente durante esa semana.

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The TTIP is a proposal on negotiations between the EU and the USA in order to create the largest free international trade area by extension, population and volume of trade of all existing ones. In our view, TTIP would be the geoeconomic answer to BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), as a comercial, geopolitical and cooperation space in other areas such as the military, in both that TTIP reproduce on a commercial scale the political and military alliance already existing between good part of the EU and USA by the NATO. In this paper we will try to explain why the possible rivalry between TTIP and BRICS would reproduce in the XXIst. Century the schemes of “Cold War” inherited from XXth. Century, that in turn reproduced the geopolitical confrontations arising from the theory of Haltford McKinder pivot area and the traditional opposition between thalassocratic imperialisms (government on the seas and oceans) and tellurocratic imperialisms (government on an enormous portion of emerged land). Likewise, we will try to show why, at a dialectic of States level, the most populated, territorially extensive and with greater amount of resources political societies will be those that have the greatest ability to impose a particular model of international relations and its geopolitical hegemony on a universal scale in response to this viable confrontation between TTIP, plus TTP, vs. BRICS.

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According to Tilly, two laws shaped the process of transformation undergone by Western European societies since the Peace of Westphalia until the end of the 20th century: their increasing inner homogenisation and their growing heterogeneity between them. Cultural inner homogenisation affected, fi rst, those ethnic groups living within the territories of the said states. The second phase of homogenisation impinged on those groups that immigrated after World War II. This process followed different models according to the country considered, but the 1973 oil crisis revealed their general lack of success. During the last quarter of the 20th century and onwards, these European societies have been altered by two progressive and contradictory global logics: a process of cultural homogenisation at the world level (rather than society level) and a process of cultural re-creation led by those groups with an immigrant background, who have reacted against their integration shortcomings by searching for new sources of social and personal esteem in their respective cultural and religious traditions. This paper seeks to clarify these processes from a social differentiation and political representation theory perspective. The latter becomes indispensable, as the said processes have happened in a context in which the structure of relations (i.e. communication) between civil society and the democratic political sphere have experienced a radical crisis. In this way, the complex relations that exist between civil society, culture, religion and politics in these Western European societies are depicted.

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El artículo analiza firmas insertas en circuitos globalizados de exportación de frutas frescas, así como la interfase empresas-territorios. Se focaliza en la producción argentina de cítricos dulces y particularmente en un espacio productivo, y se interesa por cómo se traduce la construcción de los circuitos globales en los espacios y actores locales. Para ello, desarrolla una tipología de empresas e indicadores de anclaje y recurre a una combinación de fuentes cuantitativas y cualitativas, con vistas a desentrañar la “caja negra” del comportamiento empresarial. Se concluye que existen diferentes grados de anclaje territorial y combinaciones variables de fijación y movilidad por parte de las empresas. La adopción de una modalidad de agricultura empresarial multilocalizada, orientada al aprovechamiento de las peculiaridades de los diferentes ambientes locales, conduce a la desarticulación de espacios en función de sus características productivas y de sus diversos contextos sociales e institucionales. De esta forma se promueve la conformación de agentes de características flexibles, transformando su reproducción en contingente.