Between a demonstrative and an article. The status of "in" in Old Swedish

The definite article in the Modern Nordic languages is a suffix, etymologically related to a demonstrative. The form is not attested in runic inscriptions, the oldest linguistic sources, but first appears in Icelandic sagas as well as in Swedish and Danish legal codices from 13th century onwards. However, in these texts it does not appear with the same regularity as in modern languages. The Old Swedish form constitutes an intermediate form between a demonstrative, from which it is derived, and the article it has become in Modern Swedish. In the oldest texts it appears in contexts where demonstratives can only be found sporadically and its form suggests it no longer is a demonstrative. At the same time it is not yet obligatory. The aim of this paper is to show the grammaticalization of the definite article as a gradual, dynamic process, involving changes in the form and functional scope of the grammaticalizing item and to consider the properties of the Old Swedish form -in, derived from the distal demonstrative hin ‘that’.

Irańska sztuka a perska archeologia starożytna w czasach Pahlawich (1925-1979)

Wydział Historyczny: Instytut Historii Sztuki

Między wykopaliskami rabunkowymi a archeologicznymi. Społeczno-kulturowa funkcja materialnych śladów przeszłości w Dolinie Nilu (na przykładzie plemienia Manasir z północnego Sudanu)

Wydział Historyczny: Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UAM

Ewolucja zagrożenia dżihadystycznego w Europie

W niniejszej publikacji skupiono się na przedstawieniu źródeł i najważniejszych przejawów radykalizmu islamskiego w Europie. Zwrócono w szczególności uwagę na historyczne i ideologiczne determinanty rozwoju tego zjawiska. Wskazano najważniejsze etapy ewolucji zagrożenia dżihadystycznego oraz aktorów mających wpływ na jego ewolucję. Uwzględniając powyższe przesłanki w artykule zawarto ponadto najważniejsze wnioski dotyczące wzrastającego poziomu powyższego zagrożenia dla wybranych państw europejskich, w okresie ostatnich kilkunastu lat wraz ze wskazaniem zmiennych wpływających na ów poziom w postaci: procesu radykalizacji społeczności muzułmańskich w Europie, zmian w taktyce i organizacji grup dżihadystycznych, sukcesu akcji rekrutacyjnych i antyterrorystycznej aktywności państw Zachodu.

The Iranian Foreign Policy in the Persian Gulf Region under the Rule of President Hassan Rouhani: Continuity of Change

Although Iran borders with many states and has direct access to the Caspian Sea as well as the Indian Ocean, the Persian Gulf region seems to be the most vital area to its security and prosperity. Yet since the 70’s Iran’s relations with the Arab states in the region have been rather strained and complex. The main reason for that had been the success of the Islamic revolution in 1979 which later resulted in a new dimension of Sunni-Shia rivalry. Moreover, post-revolutionary Iranian authorities also intended to maintain the regional hegemony from the Imperial State of Iran period. As a result, successive Iranian governments competed for hegemony in the Persian Gulf with the littoral Arab states which consolidated their regional positions due to close links and intensive cooperation with the West especially with the United States. Despite some political and economic initiatives which were undertaken by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, this rivalry was also evident between 2005–2013. The main aim of this article is to find out whether Iranian foreign policy towards the Arab states in the Persian Gulf region has undergone any significant changes since Hassan Rouhani became the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran in August 2013. According to Mohammad Reza Deshiri, the Iranian foreign policy after 1979 can be divided into so-called waves of idealism and realism. During dominance of idealism values and spirituality are more important than pragmatism while during the realistic waves political as well as economic interests prevail over spirituality. Iranian idealism is connected with export of revolutionary ideas, Shia dominance as well as the restoration of unity among all muslims (ummah). On this basis both presidential terms of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad can be classified as ‘waves of idealism’, albeit some of his ideas were very pragmatic. The question is if Hassan Rouhani’s foreign policy represents a continuity or a change. Is the current Iran’s foreign policy towards the Persian Gulf region idealistic or rather realistic? The main assumption is that there will be no Arab-Iranian rapprochement in the Persian Gulf without a prior normalization of political relations between Iran and the West especially the United States.