191 resultados para Political distance


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A century ago, as the Western world embarked on a period of traumatic change, the visual realism of photography and documentary film brought print and radio news to life. The vision that these new mediums threw into stark relief was one of intense social and political upheaval: the birth of modernity fired and tempered in the crucible of the Great War. As millions died in this fiery chamber and the influenza pandemic that followed, lines of empires staggered to their fall, and new geo-political boundaries were scored in the raw, red flesh of Europe. The decade of 1910 to 1919 also heralded a prolific period of artistic experimentation. It marked the beginning of the social and artistic age of modernity and, with it, the nascent beginnings of a new art form: film. We still live in the shadow of this violent, traumatic and fertile age; haunted by the ghosts of Flanders and Gallipoli and its ripples of innovation and creativity. Something happened here, but to understand how and why is not easy; for the documentary images we carry with us in our collective cultural memory have become what Baudrillard refers to as simulacra. Detached from their referents, they have become referents themselves, to underscore other, grand narratives in television and Hollywood films. The personal histories of the individuals they represent so graphically–and their hope, love and loss–are folded into a national story that serves, like war memorials and national holidays, to buttress social myths and values. And, as filmic images cross-pollinate, with each iteration offering a new catharsis, events that must have been terrifying or wondrous are abstracted. In this paper we first discuss this transformation through reference to theories of documentary and memory–this will form a conceptual framework for a subsequent discussion of the short film Anmer. Produced by the first author in 2010, Anmer is a visual essay on documentary, simulacra and the symbolic narratives of history. Its form, structure and aesthetic speak of the confluence of documentary, history, memory and dream. Located in the first decade of the twentieth century, its non-linear narratives of personal tragedy and poetic dreamscapes are an evocative reminder of the distance between intimate experience, grand narratives, and the mythologies of popular films. This transformation of documentary sources not only played out in the processes of the film’s production, but also came to form its theme.

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The use of the internet for political purposes is not new; however, the introduction of social media tools has opened new avenues for political activists. In an era where social media has been credited as playing a critical role in the success of revolutions (Earl & Kimport, 2011; Papic & Noonan, 2011; Wooley, Limperos & 10 Beth, 2010), governments, law enforcement and intelligence agencies need to develop a deeper understanding of the broader capabilities of this emerging social and political environment. This can be achieved by increasing their online presence and through the application of proactive social media strategies to identify and manage potential threats. Analysis of current literature shows a gap 15 in the research regarding the connection between the theoretical understanding and practical implications of social media when exploited by political activists,and the efficacy of existing strategies designed to manage this growing challenge. This paper explores these issues by looking specifically at the use of three popular social media tools: Facebook; Twitter; and YouTube. Through the examination of 20 recent political protests in Iran, the UK and Egypt from 2009�2011, these case studies and research in the use of the three social media tools by political groups, the authors discuss inherent weaknesses in online political movements and discuss strategies for law enforcement and intelligence agencies to monitor these activities.

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The history of political blogging in Australia does not entirely match the development of blogospheres in other countries. Even at its beginning, blogging was not an entirely alternative endeavour – one of the first news or political blogs was Margo Kingston’s Webdiary, hosted by the Sydney Morning Herald. In the United States, whose political blogosphere has been examined most comprehensively in the literature (see e.g. Adamic & Glance, 2005; Drezner & Farrell, 2008; Shaw & Benkler, 2012; Tremayne, 2007; Wallsten, 2008), blogging had a clear historical trajectory from alternative to mainstream medium. The Australian blogosphere, by contrast, has seen early and continued involvement from representatives of the mainstream media, blogging both for their employers and independently (Garden, 2010). Coupled with the incorporation of blog-like technologies into news websites, as well as with obvious differences in the size of the available talent pool and potential audience for political blogging in Australia, this recognition of blogging by the mainstream media may be one reason why, in political and news discussions at least, Australian bloggers did not bring about their own, local equivalents to the resignations of Dan Rather or Trent Lott in the U.S. –events which were commonly attributed in part to the work of bloggers (Simons, 2007). However, the acceptance of the blogging concept by the mainstream media has been accompanied by a comparative lack of acceptance towards individual bloggers. Analyses and commentary published by bloggers have been attacked by journalists, creating an at times antagonistic relationship between the mainstream media and bloggers (Flew & Wilson, 2010; Young, 2011). In this article, we examine the historical development of blogging in Australia, focussing primarily on political and news blogs. In particular, we review who the bloggers are and how the connections between different blogs and other titles have changed over the past decade. The paper tracks the evolution of individual and group blogs, independent and mainstream media-hosted opinion sites, and the gradual convergence of these platforms and their associated contributing authors. We conclude by examining the current state of the Australian blogosphere and its likely future development, taking into account the rise of social media, and in particular Twitter, as additional spaces for public commentary.

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As a growing number of nations embark on a path to democracy, criminologists have become increasingly interested and engaged in the challenges, concerns, and questions connecting democracy with both crime and criminal justice. Rising levels of violence and street crime, white collar crime and corruption both in countries where democracy is securely in place and where it is struggling, have fuelled a deepening skepticism as to the capacity of democracy to deliver on its promise of security and justice for all citizens. What role does crime and criminal justice play in the future of democracy and for democratic political development on a global level? The editors of this special volume of The Annals realized the importance of collecting research from a broad spectrum of countries and covering a range of problems that affect citizens, politicians, and criminal justice officials. The articles here represent a solid balance between mature democracies like the U.S. and U.K. as well as emerging democracies around the globe – specifically in Latin America, Africa and Eastern Europe. They are based on large and small cross-national samples, regional comparisons, and case studies. Each contribution addresses a seminal question for the future of democratic political development across the globe. What is the role of criminal justice in the process of building democracy and instilling confidence in its institutions? Is there a role for unions in democratizing police forces? What is the impact of widespread disenfranchisement of felons on democratic citizenship and the life of democratic institutions? Under what circumstances do mature democracies adopt punitive sentencing regimes? Addressing sensitive topics such as relations between police and the Muslim communities of Western Europe in the wake of terrorist attacks, this volume also sheds light on the effects of terrorism on mature democracies under increasing pressure to provide security for their citizens. By taking a broad vantage point, this collection of research delves into complex topics such as the relationship between the process of democratization and violent crime waves; the impact of rising crime rates on newly established as well as secure democracies; how crime may endanger the transition to democracy; and how existing practices of criminal justice in mature democracies affect their core values and institutions. The collection of these insightful articles not only begins to fill a gap in criminological research but also addresses issues of critical interest to political scientists as well as other social and behavioral scientists and scholars. Taking a fresh approach to the intersection of crime, criminal justice, and democracy, this volume of The Annals is a must-read for criminologists and political scientists and provides a solid foundation for further interdisciplinary research.

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This article reports on civil society in Australia between 1996 and 2007 related to former Prime Minister John Howard. The article discusses Howard's neo-conservative ideology and Liberal-National coalition, noting his views on political correctness. Howard's administration is also discussed in terms of immigration, multiculturalism, indigenous land rights, othering, and Islamaphobia. Information on the effect of Islamaphobia on Australian perceptions and the treatment of Muslims is also provided

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Purpose This thesis is about liveability, place and ageing in the high density urban landscape of Brisbane, Australia. As with other major developed cities around the globe, Brisbane has adopted policies to increase urban residential densities to meet the main liveability and sustainability aim of decreasing car dependence and therefore pollution, as well as to minimise the loss of greenfield areas and habitats to developers. This objective hinges on urban neighbourhoods/communities being liveable places, which residents do not have to leave for everyday living. Community/neighbourhood liveability is an essential ingredient in healthy ageing in place and has a substantial impact upon the safety, independence and well-being of older adults. It is generally accepted that ageing in place is optimal for both older people and the state. The optimality of ageing in place generally assumes that there is a particular quality to environments or standard of liveability in which people successfully age in place. The aim of this thesis was to examine if there are particular environmental qualities or aspects of liveability that test optimality and to better understand the key liveability factors that contribute to successful ageing in place. Method A strength of this thesis is that it draws on two separate studies to address the research question of what makes high density liveable for older people. In Chapter 3, the two methods are identified and differentiated as Method 1 (used in Paper 1) and Method 2 (used in Papers 2, 3, 4 and 5). Method 1 involved qualitative interviews with 24 inner city high density Brisbane residents. The major strength of this thesis is the innovative methodology outlined in the thesis as Method 2. Method 2 involved a case study approach employing qualitative and quantitative methods. Qualitative data was collected using semi-structured, in-depth interviews and time-use diaries completed by participants during the week of tracking. The quantitative data was gathered using Global Positioning Systems for tracking and Geographical Information Systems for mapping and analysis of participants’ activities. The combination of quantitative and qualitative analysis captured both participants’ subjective perceptions of their neighbourhoods and their patterns of movement. This enhanced understanding of how neighbourhoods and communities function and of the various liveability dimensions that contribute to active ageing and ageing in place for older people living in high density environments. Both studies’ participants were inner-city high density residents of Brisbane. The study based on Method 1 drew on a wider age demographic than the study based on Method 2. Findings The five papers presented in this thesis by publication indicate a complex inter-relationship of the factors that make a place liveable. The first three papers identify what is comparable and different between the physical and social factors of high density communities/neighbourhoods. The last two papers explore relationships between social engagement and broader community variables such as infrastructure and the physical built environments that are risk or protective factors relevant to community liveability, active ageing and ageing in place in high density. The research highlights the importance of creating and/or maintaining a barrier-free environment and liveable community for ageing adults. Together, the papers promote liveability, social engagement and active ageing in high density neighbourhoods by identifying factors that constitute liveability and strategies that foster active ageing and ageing in place, social connections and well-being. Recommendations There is a strong need to offer more support for active ageing and ageing in place. While the data analyses of this research provide insight into the lived experience of high density residents, further research is warranted. Further qualitative and quantitative research is needed to explore in more depth, the urban experience and opinions of older people living in urban environments. In particular, more empirical research and theory-building is needed in order to expand understanding of the particular environmental qualities that enable successful ageing in place in our cities and to guide efforts aimed at meeting this objective. The results suggest that encouraging the presence of more inner city retail outlets, particularly services that are utilised frequently in people’s daily lives such as supermarkets, medical services and pharmacies, would potentially help ensure residents fully engage in their local community. The connectivity of streets, footpaths and their role in facilitating the reaching of destinations are well understood as an important dimension of liveability. To encourage uptake of sustainable transport, the built environment must provide easy, accessible connections between buildings, walkways, cycle paths and public transport nodes. Wider streets, given that they take more time to cross than narrow streets, tend to .compromise safety - especially for older people. Similarly, the width of footpaths, the level of buffering, the presence of trees, lighting, seating and design of and distance between pedestrian crossings significantly affects the pedestrian experience for older people and impacts upon their choice of transportation. High density neighbourhoods also require greater levels of street fixtures and furniture for everyday life to make places more useable and comfortable for regular use. The importance of making the public realm useful and habitable for older people cannot be over-emphasised. Originality/value While older people are attracted to high density settings, there has been little empirical evidence linking liveability satisfaction with older people’s use of urban neighbourhoods. The current study examined the relationships between community/neighbourhood liveability, place and ageing to better understand the implications for those adults who age in place. The five papers presented in this thesis add to the understanding of what high density liveable age-friendly communities/ neighbourhoods are and what makes them so for older Australians. Neighbourhood liveability for older people is about being able to age in place and remain active. Issues of ageing in Australia and other areas of the developed world will become more critical in the coming decades. Creating livable communities for all ages calls for partnerships across all levels of government agencies and among different sectors within communities. The increasing percentage of older people in the community will have increasing political influence and it will be a foolish government who ignores the needs of an older society.