6 resultados para Political distance

em CaltechTHESIS


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Over the past decade, scholarly interest concerning the use of limitations to constrain government spending and taxing has noticeably increased. The call for constitutional restrictions can be credited, in part, to Washington's apparent inability to legislate any significant reductions in government expenditures or in the size of the national debt. At the present time, the federal government is far from instituting any constitutional limitations on spending or borrowing; however, the states have incorporated many controls on revenues and expenditures, the oldest being strictures on full faith and credit borrowing. This dissertations examines the efficacy of these restrictions on borrowing across the states (excluding Alaska) for the period dating from 1961 to 1990 and also studies the limitations on taxing and spending synonymous with the Tax Revolt.

We include socio-economic information in our calculations to control for factors other than the institutional variables that affect state borrowing levels. Our results show that certain constitutional restrictions (in particular, the referendum requirement and the dollar debt limit) are more effective than others. The apparent ineffectiveness of other limitations, such as the flexible debt limit, seem related to the bindingness of the limitations in at least half of the cases. Other variables, such as crime rates, number of schoolage children, and state personal income do affect the levels of full faith and credit debt, but not as strongly as the limitations. While some degree of circumvention can be detected (the amount of full faith and credit debt does inversely affect the levels of nonguaranteed debt), it is so small when compared to the effectiveness of the constitutional restrictions that it is almost negligible. The examination of the tax revolt era limitations yielded quite similar conclusions, with the additional fact that constitutional restrictions appear more binding than statutory ones. Our research demonstrates that constitutional limitations on borrowing can be applied effectively to constrain excessive borrowing, but caution must be used. The efficacy of these restrictions decrease dramatically as the number of loopholes increase.

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This thesis examines four distinct facets and methods for understanding political ideology, and so it includes four distinct chapters with only moderate connections between them. Chapter 2 examines how reactions to emotional stimuli vary with political opinion, and how the stimuli can produce changes in an individuals political preferences. Chapter 3 examines the connection between self-reported fear and item nonresponse on surveys. Chapter 4 examines the connection between political and moral consistency with low-dimensional ideology, and Chapter 5 develops a technique for estimating ideal points and salience in a low-dimensional ideological space.

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For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.

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The rate of electron transport between distant sites was studied. The rate depends crucially on the chemical details of the donor, acceptor, and surrounding medium. These reactions involve electron tunneling through the intervening medium and are, therefore, profoundly influenced by the geometry and energetics of the intervening molecules. The dependence of rate on distance was considered for several rigid donor-acceptor "linkers" of experimental importance. Interpretation of existing experiments and predictions for new experiments were made.

The electronic and nuclear motion in molecules is correlated. A Born-Oppenheimer separation is usually employed in quantum chemistry to separate this motion. Long distance electron transfer rate calculations require the total donor wave function when the electron is very far from its binding nuclei. The Born-Oppenheimer wave functions at large electronic distance are shown to be qualitatively wrong. A model which correctly treats the coupling was proposed. The distance and energy dependence of the electron transfer rate was determined for such a model.

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This thesis consists of three papers studying the relationship between democratic reform, expenditure on sanitation public goods and mortality in Britain in the second half of the nineteenth century. During this period decisions over spending on critical public goods such as water supply and sewer systems were made by locally elected town councils, leading to extensive variation in the level of spending across the country. This dissertation uses new historical data to examine the political factors determining that variation, and the consequences for mortality rates.

The first substantive chapter describes the spread of government sanitation expenditure, and analyzes the factors that determined towns' willingness to invest. The results show the importance of towns' financial constraints, both in terms of the available tax base and access to borrowing, in limiting the level of expenditure. This suggests that greater involvement by Westminster could have been very effective in expediting sanitary investment. There is little evidence, however, that democratic reform was an important driver of greater expenditure.

Chapter 3 analyzes the effect of extending voting rights to the poor on government public goods spending. A simple model predicts that the rich and the poor will desire lower levels of public goods expenditure than the middle class, and so extensions of the right to vote to the poor will be associated with lower spending. This prediction is tested using plausibly exogenous variation in the extent of the franchise. The results strongly support the theoretical prediction: expenditure increased following relatively small extensions of the franchise, but fell once more than approximately 50% of the adult male population held the right to vote.

Chapter 4 tests whether the sanitary expenditure was effective in combating the high mortality rates following the Industrial Revolution. The results show that increases in urban expenditure on sanitation-water supply, sewer systems and streets-was extremely effective in reducing mortality from cholera and diarrhea.

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A series of meso-phenyloctamethylporphyrins covalently bonded at the 4'phenyl position to quinones via rigid bicyclo[2.2.2]octane spacers were synthesized for the study of the dependence of electron transfer reaction rate on solvent, distance, temperature, and energy gap. A general and convergent synthesis was developed based on the condensation of ac-biladienes with masked quinonespacer-benzaldehydes. From picosecond fluorescence spectroscopy emission lifetimes were measured in seven solvents of varying polarity. Rate constants were determined to vary from 5.0x109sec-1 in N,N-dimethylformamide to 1.15x1010 Sec-1 in benzene, and were observed to rise at most by about a factor of three with decreasing solvent polarity. Experiments at low temperature in 2-MTHF glass (77K) revealed fast, nearly temperature-independent electron transfer characterized by non-exponential fluorescence decays, in contrast to monophasic behavior in fluid solution at 298K. This example evidently represents the first photosynthetic model system not based on proteins to display nearly temperature-independent electron transfer at high temperatures (nuclear tunneling). Low temperatures appear to freeze out the rotational motion of the chromophores, and the observed nonexponential fluorescence decays may be explained as a result of electron transfer from an ensemble of rotational conformations. The nonexponentiality demonstrates the sensitivity of the electron transfer rate to the precise magnitude of the electronic matrix element, which supports the expectation that electron transfer is nonadiabatic in this system. The addition of a second bicyclooctane moiety (15 Å vs. 18 Å edge-to-edge between porphyrin and quinone) reduces the transfer rate by at least a factor of 500-1500. Porphyrinquinones with variously substituted quinones allowed an examination of the dependence of the electron transfer rate constant κET on reaction driving force. The classical trend of increasing rate versus increasing exothermicity occurs from 0.7 eV≤ |ΔG0'(R)| ≤ 1.0 eV until a maximum is reached (κET = 3 x 108 sec-1 rising to 1.15 x 1010 sec-1 in acetonitrile). The rate remains insensitive to ΔG0 for ~ 300 mV from 1.0 eV≤ |ΔG0’(R)| ≤ 1.3 eV, and then slightly decreases in the most exothermic case studied (cyanoquinone, κET = 5 x 109 sec-1).