549 resultados para Indigenous peoples -- Canada


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In various parts of the world, Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples are actively working towards Reconciliation. In Australia, the context in which we each undertake our work as educationalists and researchers, the Reconciliation agenda has been pushed into schools and English teachers have been called on to share responsibility for facilitating the move towards a new national order. The recently introduced Australian Curriculum mandates that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Histories and Cultures be embedded with “a strong” but “varying presence” into each learning area (Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority, 2013). In this paper we consider the tensions between policy and practice, when discourses external to education are recontextualised into the discipline of English. We do so by applying an analytical framework based on Bernstein’s (1990, 1996,2000) sociological theories about the structure of instructional and regulative discourses. Our findings suggest that the space to exert Reconciliatory agendas in the Australian Curriculum English is ambiguous and thus holds the potential to not only marginalise Indigenous knowledges but also to create tensions between policy and practice for non-Indigenous teachers of English.

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The human right to water has recently been recognised by both the United Nations General Assembly and the Human Rights Council. As the mining industry interacts with water on multiple levels, it is important that these interactions respect the human right to water. Currently, a disconnect exists between mine site water management practices and the recognition of water from a human rights perspective. The Minerals Council of Australia (MCA) Water Accounting Framework (WAF) has previously been used to strengthen the connection between water management and human rights. This article extends this connection through the use of a Social Water Assessment Protocol (SWAP). The SWAP is scoping tool consisting of a set of questions classified into taxonomic themes under leading topics with suggested sources of data that enable mine sites to better understand the local water context in which they operate. Three of the themes contained in the SWAP – gender, Indigenous peoples and health – are discussed to demonstrate how the protocol may be useful in assisting mining companies to consider their impacts on the human right to water.

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This chapter focuses on the more strategic activities that lead people in the regional community to decide how they want to respond to climate change. Such strategic activities include analysing, prioritising and deciding upon the best course of action. Planning for climate adaptation (usually seen to include the setting of visions and objectives, the determination of key strategies and the monitoring of broad outcomes) encompasses the strategic activities involved in the system of governance for climate adaptation. Planning occurs at all scales from global to the business, property, family and even individual scales. Applying a rapid appraisal technique, this chapter analyses the system of planning for climate adaptation as it relates to the achievement of adaptation outcomes within the Wet Tropics Cluster. It finds that some aspects of the system are healthier than others, and identifies several actions that regional NRM bodies may consider (either collectively or individually) to enhance adaptation outcomes by improving the planning system within the cluster.

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This submission focuses on “Priority for Change 3: Knowledge for all” and “Priority for Change 5: Involving Indigenous Australians”. Our particular interest lies with ensuring that Indigenous knowledge holders are engaged with in a manner that recognises their prior rights over their own knowledge and intellectual property. As the Preamble of the recently endorsed United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples states, we need to; “Recognis[e] that respect for Indigenous Knowledge, cultures and traditional practises contributes to sustainable and equitable development and proper management of the environment”.

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There are currently no regulatory mechanisms, laws or policies that specifically provide rights to Indigenous peoples over their Indigenous knowledge and intellectual property. We strongly recommend that the commonwealth take the lead to ensure that national sui generis laws are developed (perhaps to operate initially in areas of Cth jurisdiction, such as IPAs and national parks). The development of such laws should be in tandem with practical guidelines to assist their implementation. A comprehensive, nationally consistent scheme for access to genetic resources, which offers meaningful protection of traditional knowledge and substantive benefit-sharing with Indigenous communities, has to be developed. There are already a range of reports/resources that urge these same reforms and that we direct the Enquiry to again; these include the Voumard Report (2000) – especially Fourmile’s Appendix 10 – “Indigenous Interests”, and Terri Jankes “Our Culture, Our Future (1998).

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While trends are cyclical, Indigenous perspectives offer continuity to life’s pathways. One of the current trends is the increasing culinary interest in Indigenous Australian foods, not just in restaurants, but also in home kitchens. This is a recent trend despite Indigenous foods being nutritious and wholesome, and sustaining Indigenous peoples for thousands of years. Home Economics can support, foster and affirm Indigenous foods both within this current mainstream trend and in the future in life sustaining ways. In order to do so, Home Economics need’s to ensure it is prepared, and skilled, with the appropriate knowledge and regard for Indigenous ingredients, foods and foodways. This paper will focus on Torres Strait Islander foods from the Torres Strait and from mainland Australia. It will showcase Torres Strait foods is the past, present and the future. Some of what is presented here is part of a research case study, which involves a literature review, data collection, and photography. In documenting the history of Torres Strait Island food and foodways, the traditions and customs will be kept alive for future generations, and beyond any trends or fashions.

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This research explores the in-between space of intercultural collaboration between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and non-Indigenous peoples in Australia. Using critical and third space theories and a post-qualitative inquiry, I examine negotiations of cultural difference through articulated moments of intercultural collaboration in order to inform intercultural pedagogical practices. This research also explores how ideology, imbued through discourse, has the power to enforce or challenge cultural and social domination. This in turn creates cultural hegemony, a process whereby a particular social and cultural group has the power to influence the thoughts, expectations and behaviours of a particular society.

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The chapter introduces Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health and discusses the important role that Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples can play in ‘closing the gap’ in health disparities as experienced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

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It is now 20 years since the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, better known as the Earth Summit was held in Rio de Janeiro. An important achievement of the conference was an agreement on the Climate Change Convention which in turn led to the Kyoto Protocol. Another was agreement to 'not carry out any activities on the lands of indigenous peoples that would cause environmental degradation or that would be culturally inappropriate'. Recently we have seen an updated and revised conference in Rio where the same issues were again discussed. Since then ideas about sustainability have changed considerably and to some extent they have merged with ideas about corporate social responsibility and about governance, determined by the economic and political fortunes of the actors involved. It is now time therefore to re-examine the concept of sustainability in the aftermath of this conference and to consider what issues are now considered pertinent around the world. This book therefore takes different positions concerning different aspects of this vital topic.

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For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, undertaking the PhD journey brings with it specific challenges in how best to use the knowledge gained to make changes that will actively benefit Indigenous peoples and communities. Even within the health sector implementing research outcomes can sometimes be problematic. The Maori and Indigenous D octoral (MAI) Conference hosted by Te Whare Wananga o Awanuiarangi (Indigenous U niversity), Whakatane, New Zealand, addressed this by considering the contribution of Indigenous doctoral research to advancements of Maori. As Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people engaging in Doctoral studies, this conference was equally relevant to us.

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The film is an ode to the history of Indigenous peoples and the meaning and spirit of belonging. Inspired by verbal and documented accounts of Aboriginal experiences from the history of colonialism, MY COUNTRY is the touching story of the lasting impact of one such experience on an elderly Aboriginal man. Triggered by a work of art and its interpretation, his story is a journey through time and cultural dislocation.

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The dramatic increase in restorative justice activity in western jurisdictions since the early 1990s has driven state officials, supported by some theorists and practitioners, to standardise the design and delivery of restorative justice programmes. The purpose of this paper is to provide a critical indigenous examination of various rationale proffered in support of the standardisation process that is occurring in the neo-colonial jurisdictions of Canada and New Zealand. The paper ends with a call for Maori justice practitioners to develop their own standard for enhancing the delivery of restorative justice initiatives to Maori offenders, victims, families and communities.

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Purpose In response to the threat that drink drivers pose to themselves and others, drink driving programs form an important part of a suite of countermeasures used in Australia and internationally. Unlike New Zealand/Aotearoa, United States and Canada that have programs catering for their First Peoples, all Australian programs are designed for the general driver population. The aim of this study was to identify the factors that contribute to Indigenous drink driving in order to inform appropriate recommendations related to developing a community-based program for Indigenous communities. Broader drivers licensing policy recommendations are also discussed. Methods A sample of 73 Indigenous people from Queensland and in New South Wales with one or more drink driving convictions completed a semi-structured interview in respect of the to their drink driving behaviour. Participants were asked to disclose information regarding their drink driving history, and alcohol and drug use. If participants self-reported no longer drink driving, they were probed about what factors had assisted them to avoid further offending. Results Key themes which emerged to maintain drink driving include motivations to drink and drive, and belief in the ability to manage the associated risks. Factors that appeared to support others from avoiding further offending include re-connecting with culture and family support. Conclusions and Implications A range of recommendations regarding delivery and content of a program for regional and remote communities as well as other policy implications are discussed.

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In response to the threat that drink drivers pose to themselves and others, drink driving programs form an important part of a suite of countermeasures used in Australia and internationally. Unlike New Zealand/Aotearoa, United States and Canada that have programs catering for their First Peoples, all Australian programs are designed for the general driver population. The aim of this study was to identify the factors that contribute to Indigenous drink driving in order to inform appropriate recommendations related to developing a community-based program for Indigenous communities. Broader drivers licensing policy recommendations are also discussed. A sample of 73 Indigenous people from Queensland and in New South Wales with one or more drink driving convictions completed a semi-structured interview regarding their drink driving behaviour. Participants were asked to disclose information regarding their drink driving history, and alcohol and drug use. If participants self-reported no longer drink driving, they were probed about what factors had assisted them to avoid further offending. Key themes which emerged to maintain drink driving include motivations to drink and drive, and belief in the ability to manage the associated risks. Factors that appeared to support others from avoiding further offending include re-connecting with culture and family support. A range of recommendations regarding delivery and content of a program for regional and remote communities as well as other policy implications are discussed.

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Aboriginal women are treated differently by non-indigenous health care providers based on perceptions of Aboriginality and skin colour and white race privilege within health care environments. The experiences shared below are from some of the Aboriginal woman respondents in a research project undertaken within Rockhampton, a regional area in Central Queensland (Fredericks, 2003). The experiences give an insight into how the Aboriginal women interviewed felt and their observations of how other Aboriginal women were treated within health care settings based on skin colour and perceptions of Aboriginality. A number of the women demonstrated a personal in-depth analysis of the issues surrounding place, skin colour and Aboriginality. For example, one of the women, who I named Kay, identified one particular health service organisation and stated that, ‘it is a totally white designed space. There is nothing that identifies me to that place. I just won’t go there as a client because I don’t feel they cater for me as a black woman’. Kay’s words give us an understanding of the reality experienced by Aboriginal women as they move in and out of places within health environments and broader society. Some of these experiences are examples of direct racism, whilst other examples are subtle and demonstrate how whiteness manifests and plays out within places. I offer acknowledgement and honour to the Aboriginal women who shared their stories and gave me a glimpse of their realities in the research project from which the findings presented in this chapter are taken. It is to this research project that is the subject of this chapter.