810 resultados para social connections


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Social networking sites (SNSs), with their large numbers of users and large information base, seem to be perfect breeding grounds for exploiting the vulnerabilities of people, the weakest link in security. Deceiving, persuading, or influencing people to provide information or to perform an action that will benefit the attacker is known as “social engineering.” While technology-based security has been addressed by research and may be well understood, social engineering is more challenging to understand and manage, especially in new environments such as SNSs, owing to some factors of SNSs that reduce the ability of users to detect the attack and increase the ability of attackers to launch it. This work will contribute to the knowledge of social engineering by presenting the first two conceptual models of social engineering attacks in SNSs. Phase-based and source-based models are presented, along with an intensive and comprehensive overview of different aspects of social engineering threats in SNSs.

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While social engineering represents a real and ominous threat to many organizations, companies, governments, and individuals, social networking sites (SNSs), have been identified as among the most common means of social engineering attacks. Owing to factors that reduce the ability of users to detect social engineering tricks and increase the ability of attackers to launch them, SNSs seem to be perfect breeding ground for exploiting the vulnerabilities of people, and the weakest link in security. This work will contribute to the knowledge of social engineering by identifying different entities and subentities that affect social engineering based attacks in SNSs. Moreover, this paper includes an intensive and comprehensive overview of different aspects of social engineering threats in SNSs.

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There is no doubt that social engineering plays a vital role in compromising most security defenses, and in attacks on people, organizations, companies, or even governments. It is the art of deceiving and tricking people to reveal critical information or to perform an action that benefits the attacker in some way. Fraudulent and deceptive people have been using social engineering traps and tactics using information technology such as e-mails, social networks, web sites, and applications to trick victims into obeying them, accepting threats, and falling victim to various crimes and attacks such as phishing, sexual abuse, financial abuse, identity theft, impersonation, physical crime, and many other forms of attack. Although organizations, researchers, practitioners, and lawyers recognize the severe risk of social engineering-based threats, there is a severe lack of understanding and controlling of such threats. One side of the problem is perhaps the unclear concept of social engineering as well as the complexity of understand human behaviors in behaving toward, approaching, accepting, and failing to recognize threats or the deception behind them. The aim of this paper is to explain the definition of social engineering based on the related theories of the many related disciplines such as psychology, sociology, information technology, marketing, and behaviourism. We hope, by this work, to help researchers, practitioners, lawyers, and other decision makers to get a fuller picture of social engineering and, therefore, to open new directions of collaboration toward detecting and controlling it.

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This paper takes a multimethod approach which combines ethnographic techniques and discourse studies to investigate two contrasting professional groups: community photographers, who are favela dwellers who have developed photographic projects in Brazil‘s favelas, and photojournalists of the mainstream media. Its purpose is to determine how a cultural and social divide in the city of Rio de Janeiro shapes both community photographers and mainstream photojournalists’ practices, discourses, and identities. While community photographers strive to establish a humane and positive view about favelas and their residents by shifting the focus from poverty, shortages, violence, and criminality to images of the ordinary life, mainstream photojournalists express the view that their role is of primary importance for the defence of human rights in the favelas by helping to prevent, for instance, police abuses and violations. As the data analysis indicated the existence of socio-spatial borders all over Rio de Janeiro, this study adopted the idea of a divided city without denying interconnections between favelas and the city’s political life. Through the analysis of categories which emerged from the data, the complex world of documenting favela life is explored. The major themes touched upon are: the breakdown between the mainstream media and the favela communities; the different kinds of relationships which arise in Rio’s low income suburbs; and the gradual return of mainstream news workers to favelas.

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Once known as Crabb’s Creek, Katarapko Creek is a small anabranch of the Murray River, located between the towns of Berri and Loxton in the Riverland region of South Australia. Its 9 000 hectare grey clay floodplain is covered with blackbox, saltbush and lignum. The creek’s horseshoe lagoons, marshes and islands are the traditional lands of the Meru peoples. They fished the creek and surrounding waterways and hunted the wetlands. The ebb and flow of water guided their travels and featured in their stories. The Meru have seen their land and the river change...

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The Goulburn River’s cold, clear waters rush westward down from the steep hills and mountains of the Great Dividing Range toward Seymour. The river then turns northward and meanders through hills and plains until the river meets the Murray upstream of Echuca. These are the traditional lands of the Taungurung, Bangerang and Yorta Yorta peoples. However, the Goulburn River today is not the river the Taungurung, Bangerang and Yorta Yorta once knew and fished...

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The Upper Murrumbidgee cuts its way through the Snowy Mountains in south‐eastern New South Wales, snaking its way south, then turning north before dropping into the lowland and heading west to join the Murray downstream of Swan Hill. The Upper ‘Bidgee floodplain is only a couple of hundred metres wide, a stark contrast to the kilometres‐wide floodplains in other parts of the Murray‐ Darling Basin. When the floods come, they come up quickly and roar through the narrow valleys. These are the traditional lands of the Ngunnawal and Ngarigo peoples. They fished the river and surrounding waterways and hunted the wetlands. The seasonal rise and fall of the water guided their travels and featured in their stories. The Ngunnawal and Ngarigo people have seen their land and the river change...

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The Murray River is the boundary between NSW and Victoria. The river both defines boundaries and unites them with the waters that sustain townships, irrigation and the floodplain forests, including the 70 000ha of the iconic Barmah and Millewa Forest. The river and its floodplain are the traditional lands of the Yorta Yorta and Bangerang people. The Murray is a very different river to the one the Yorta Yorta and Bangerang peoples once knew and fished...

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The Lower Darling River and Great Darling Anabranch are located in south west New South Wales. Muddy waters meander over the grey soil floodplains past red dunes, spiky saltbush and gnarled red gums. These are the traditional lands of the Paakintji people. But the land and the river are no longer what the Paakintji once knew and fished...

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To say ‘Back o’ Bourke’ means ‘miles from anywhere’ to most Australians, however the Barwon and Darling Rivers that pass by the townships of Brewarrina and Bourke, respectively, are at the heart of the Murray‐Darling Basin. These are the traditional lands of the Ngiyampaa, Murawari and Yuwalaraay peoples (refer Aboriginal language groups in the Bringing back the fish section at the back of this booklet). They fished the river and surrounding waterways and hunted the wetlands. The Ngiyampaa, Murawari and Yuwalaraay people have seen their land and the rivers change...

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The Ovens River rises in the Victorian Alps where it is linked to significant freshwater meadows and marshes. It flows past Harrietville, Bright, Myrtleford and Wangaratta where it is joined by the King River on its way to meet the Murray near the top of Lake Mulwala. These the traditional lands of the Bangerang people and their neighbours the Taungurung and Yorta Yorta peoples. They have fished the river and surrounding waterways and hunted the wetlands. The ebb and flow of water guided their travels and featured in their stories. The Bangerang, Taungurung and Yorta Yorta have seen their land and the river change...

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After gathering water from 23 river valleys, the Murray empties into Lakes Alexandrina and Albert before making its way to the Coorong and out the Murray Mouth to Encounter Bay in South Australia. The entire Murray‐Darling Basin is upstream. Everything that happens there affects what goes on here...

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This chapter reports some observations made of the social interactions of girls and boys, aged 3 to 5 years, in play situations in a preschool classroom of a childcare centre. It provides an alternate framework for early childhood educators to become aware of how preschool children construct their gendered social organizations. As girls and boys organise and build their social worlds of play through their talk-in-interaction, they are building their social orders. In this chapter, an analysis of one episode of children's play has, as its focus , the methods that some girls and boys use in their talk and activity to make sense of their everyday interactions. The analysis of play shows the children's real life work of constructing and maintaining gendered social orders in their lived everyday social worlds. A close reading of the transcript of an episode illustrates how two girls turn they boys' masculine practices o ritualized threats into performance. By so doing, they show that while they know masculine discourse, and can perform it themselves, they do not actually 'own' it in the same way that the boys do. In this way, gender is established not as a social density but as a shaped dynamic practice that is ongoing, build by relational encounters and shaped by the collective performances of the participants.