Elevated cyclic AMP suppresses ConA-induced MT1-MMP expression in MDA- MB-231 human breast cancer cells

We have previously reported that induction of MMP-2 activation by Concanavalin A (ConA) in MDA-MB-231 human breast cancer cells involves both transcriptional and post-transcriptional mechanisms, and that the continuous presence of ConA is required for MMP-2 activation (Yu et al. Cancer Res, 55, 3272-7, 1995). In an effort to identify signal transduction pathways which may either contribute to or modulate this mechanism, we found that three different cAMP-inducing agents, cholera toxin (CT), forskolin (FSK), and 3- isobutyl-1-methylxanthine (IBMX) partially inhibited ConA-induced MT1-MMP expression and MMP-2 activation in MDA-MB-231 cells. Combinations of CT or FSK with IBMX exhibited additive effects on reduction of MT1-MMP mRNA expression and MMP-2 activation. Agents which increase cAMP levels appeared to target transcriptional aspects of ConA induction, reducing MT1-MMP mRNA and protein in parallel with the reduced MMP-2 activation. In the absence of ConA, down-regulation of constitutive production of MT1-MMP mRNA and protein was observed, indicating that cAMP acts independently of ConA. These observations may help to elucidate factors regulating MT1-MMP expression, which may be pivotal to the elaboration of invasive machinery on the cell surface.

Localization of fibronectin in the rat testis : effects of serum and dibutyryl cyclic AMP on fibronectin deposition by peritubular myoid cells in culture

The peritubular zone of the rat testis has an extensive extracellular matrix (ECM). Fibronectin (FN) is distributed primarily in the basal lamina of the seminiferous tubule boundary tissue and is synthesized by peritubular myoid cells. Several extracellular changes are mediated by growth factors and these changes occur at the time of hormone mediated testicular development, particularly in the peritubular zone. The effects of serum or dibutyryl cyclic AMP (cAMP) on FN production by the mesenchymal peritubular myoid cells were evaluated. Rats of various ages (10, 15, 20, 40 and 80 days) were employed for immunofluorescent localization of rat testicular FN in frozen sections. In all age groups tested, FN was primarily present in a broad layer around each seminiferous tubule, and blood vessel, and in variable distribution throughout the interstitial stroma. By day 20 there was no clear distinction in FN staining between the peritubular zone and the interstitial tissue. This indicates an involvement of FN in the ECM developments which occur in the peritubular zone of the testis at this time. The peritubular myoid cells were isolated from 20-22 day old rat testis and cultured on glass coverslips. These cells were grown to confluence with 10% fetal calf serum (FCS) in medium until day 4 and then subcultured to have secondary monocultures maintained with or without serum. By means of immunofluorescence and cytochemistry using avidin-biotin peroxidase complex it was observed that peritubular myoid cells were positive for FN and most of the FN was localized in the perinuclear region. Subcultured peritubular myoid cells maintained for 4 days in medium containing FCS developed an extensive interconnecting FN matrix. In the presence of 0.5 mM cAMP in culture, FN became localized along the filamentous process of peritubular myoid cells and more prominently in the areas of triangulated multi-cell aggregates as well as on the surface of the contracted small spherical cells. The addition of cAMP in the presence of FCS, also caused a noticeable change in the staining pattern; FN was detected along the filamentous process developing into a complex network of cells encased in an extensive matrix. It would appear that the translocation of FN in the cytoplasmic extensions of peritubular myoid cells may be a direct consequence of morphological changes associated with metabolic regulation of cAMP. This may also be related to the puberty associated development of in vivo changes in the ECM produced by peritubular myoid cells.

Noise is the outsider to be expelled

This was a catalogue essay for the emerging Brisbane artist Sarah Byrne's exhibition Trenchmouth at MetroArts from 31st October until 21st November 2009. The essay contextualised her practice in the history of experimental soundart and discussed her methods of practice and approach to sound from the postion of a multi-discplinary artist.The essay also discussed the way in which her practice engages with and recontextualises camp, trash, and lo-fi aspects of popular culture

The pirate of Karoussades

A travel memoir about the village of Karoussades, Corfu. When Liam and I caught the overnight ferry to Corfu we didn't have money for food, and my shoes had opened at the seams. Our last lira had been spent on a carton of Lucky Strike, which had been stolen by the time we docked the next day. In the haze of a Greek morning we were ushered into a minivan by the owner of the Karousades Camp Ground, who said there was work in the north of the island. Your best chance was with the Pirate. He took a little getting used to, but you were sure to get something...

Uninhabited

"A young couple go to a remote and deserted coral island for a camping holiday, only to find that the island is inhabited by a ghost seeking retribution for a past outrage. - Written by Bill Bennett " "Synopsis: Based on actual events…. Harry and Beth want a different kind of holiday. So they charter a boat to drop them off on a remote coral island on the Great Barrier Reef. The island is idyllic – surrounded by a wide reef, covered in palms and full of birds and other wildlife, small and totally deserted. Or is it? The young lovers soon come to believe there is someone else on the island. Things go missing from their camp – and then they discover someone else’s footprints in the sand. What they didn’t realise was that the island has a ghost – a young girl who had died in shocking circumstances some eighty years earlier. The ghost at first plays mischievously with the young couple, but then turns malevolent. And their idyllic island holiday becomes a nightmare."

'A slap on the wrist'? The conservative agenda in Queensland, Australia

Recent amendments to youth justice legislation in Queensland include opening Children’s Court proceedings, removing the Principle of Detention as a Last Resort, facilitating transfers of 17 year-old offenders to adult prisons, instigating new bail offences, and introducing mandatory boot camp orders. This article examines the context of these changes including the inadequacies of the public policy process, and the impassioned political rhetoric imbued with simplistic slogans. This is a case study of regressive youth justice policy and the article reflects on the many causes underlying the reactive winding back of reform.

An investigation into the effect of infrastructure on fly-in fly-out mining workers

Objective: To explore fly-in fly-out (FIFO) mining workers' attitudes towards the leisure time they spend in mining camps, the recreational and social aspects of mining camp culture, the camps' communal and recreational infrastructure and activities, and implications for health. Design: In-depth semistructured interviews. Setting: Individual interviews at locations convenient for each participant. Participants: A total of seven participants, one female and six males. The age group varied within 20–59 years. Marital status varied across participants. Main outcome measures: A qualitative approach was used to interview participants, with responses thematically analysed. Findings highlight how the recreational infrastructure and activities at mining camps impact participants' enjoyment of the camps and their feelings of community and social inclusion. Results: Three main areas of need were identified in the interviews, as follows: (i) on-site facilities and activities; (ii) the role of infrastructure in facilitating a sense of community; and (iii) barriers to social interaction. Conclusion: Recreational infrastructure and activities enhance the experience of FIFO workers at mining camps. The availability of quality recreational facilities helps promote social interaction, provides for greater social inclusion and improves the experience of mining camps for their temporary FIFO residents. The infrastructure also needs to allow for privacy and individual recreational activities, which participants identified as important emotional needs. Developing appropriate recreational infrastructure at mining camps would enhance social interactions among FIFO workers, improve their well-being and foster a sense of community. Introducing infrastructure to promote social and recreational activities could also reduce alcohol-related social exclusion.

Sanctuary Place : Sep Yama / Finding Country 5 Ways

Intelligent architecture allows a generosity of reading. It does not expect that we follow the architect’s instructions but that one is allowed to breath their own meaning into it and take away their own memory. Here, on the fringe of a postured architectural mass of national thinking, is an architectural gem. Its purpose, as I see it, is simple: to make a “camp”. In so doing it has accidentally revealed a passion for Country. Not necessarily Country in the way I might define it but Country in at least how I might recognise it; something alive, something powerful to be engaged.

Making the fun stop : youth justice reform in Queensland

In 2013 the newly elected conservative Liberal National Party government instigated amendments to the Youth Justice Act 1992 (Qld). Boot camps replaced court ordered youth justice conferencing. In 2014 there were more drastic changes, including opening the Children’s Court proceedings to the public, permitting publication of identifying information of repeat offenders, removing the principle of ‘detention as a last resort’, facilitating prompt transferral of 17 year olds to adult prisons and instigating new bail offences and mandatory boot camp orders for recidivist motor vehicle offenders in Townsville. This article compares these amendments to the legislative frameworks in other jurisdictions and current social research. It argues that these amendments are out of step with national and international best practice benchmarks for youth justice. Early indications are that Indigenous children are now experiencing increased rates of unsentenced remand. The article argues that the government’s policy initiatives are resulting in negative outcomes and that early and extensive evaluations of these changes are essential.

The largest Au deposits in the St Ives Goldfield (Yilgarn Craton, Western Australia) may be located in a major Neoarchean volcano-sedimentary depo-centre

The largest Neoarchean gold deposits in the world-class St Ives Goldfield, Western Australia, occur in an area known as the Argo-Junction region (e.g. Junction, Argo and Athena). Why this region is so well endowed with large deposits compared with other parts of the St Ives Goldfield is currently unclear, because gold deposits at St Ives are hosted by a variety of lithologic units and were formed during at least three different deformational events. This paper presents an investigation into the stratigraphic architecture and evolution of the Argo-Junction region to assess its implications for gold metallogenesis. The results show that the region's stratigraphy may be subdivided into five regionally correlatable packages: mafic lavas of the Paringa Basalt; contemporaneously resedimented feldspar-rich pyroclastic debris of the Early Black Flag Group; coarse polymictic volcanic debris of the Late Black Flag Group; thick piles of mafic lavas and sub-volcanic sills of the Athena Basalt and Condenser Dolerite; and the voluminous quartz-rich sedimentary successions of the Early Merougil Group. In the Argo-Junction region, these units have an interpreted maximum thickness of at least 7,130 m, and thus represent an unusually thick accumulation of the Neoarchean volcano-sedimentary successions. It is postulated that major basin-forming structures that were active during deposition and emplacement of the voluminous successions later acted as important conduits during mineralisation. Therefore, a correlation exists between the location of the largest gold deposits in the St Ives Goldfield and the thickest parts of the stratigraphy. Recognition of this association has important implications for camp-scale exploration.

The Arctic Summer Cloud Ocean Study (ASCOS): overview and experimental design

The climate in the Arctic is changing faster than anywhere else on earth. Poorly understood feedback processes relating to Arctic clouds and aerosol–cloud interactions contribute to a poor understanding of the present changes in the Arctic climate system, and also to a large spread in projections of future climate in the Arctic. The problem is exacerbated by the paucity of research-quality observations in the central Arctic. Improved formulations in climate models require such observations, which can only come from measurements in situ in this difficult-to-reach region with logistically demanding environmental conditions. The Arctic Summer Cloud Ocean Study (ASCOS) was the most extensive central Arctic Ocean expedition with an atmospheric focus during the International Polar Year (IPY) 2007–2008. ASCOS focused on the study of the formation and life cycle of low-level Arctic clouds. ASCOS departed from Longyearbyen on Svalbard on 2 August and returned on 9 September 2008. In transit into and out of the pack ice, four short research stations were undertaken in the Fram Strait: two in open water and two in the marginal ice zone. After traversing the pack ice northward, an ice camp was set up on 12 August at 87°21' N, 01°29' W and remained in operation through 1 September, drifting with the ice. During this time, extensive measurements were taken of atmospheric gas and particle chemistry and physics, mesoscale and boundary-layer meteorology, marine biology and chemistry, and upper ocean physics. ASCOS provides a unique interdisciplinary data set for development and testing of new hypotheses on cloud processes, their interactions with the sea ice and ocean and associated physical, chemical, and biological processes and interactions. For example, the first-ever quantitative observation of bubbles in Arctic leads, combined with the unique discovery of marine organic material, polymer gels with an origin in the ocean, inside cloud droplets suggests the possibility of primary marine organically derived cloud condensation nuclei in Arctic stratocumulus clouds. Direct observations of surface fluxes of aerosols could, however, not explain observed variability in aerosol concentrations, and the balance between local and remote aerosols sources remains open. Lack of cloud condensation nuclei (CCN) was at times a controlling factor in low-level cloud formation, and hence for the impact of clouds on the surface energy budget. ASCOS provided detailed measurements of the surface energy balance from late summer melt into the initial autumn freeze-up, and documented the effects of clouds and storms on the surface energy balance during this transition. In addition to such process-level studies, the unique, independent ASCOS data set can and is being used for validation of satellite retrievals, operational models, and reanalysis data sets.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

This is not the work

The exhibition THIS IS NOT THE WORK surveyed a selection of community-engaged artist projects from different locations around the world, and followed the pathways of women-centred social networks in order to initiate further collaboration and conversation. The projects documented in this exhibition were examples of artists working with women and community in challenging and unpredictable ways, demonstrating feminist sensibilities and a commitment to non-hierarchical and collective structures. Co-curated by the feminist art collective LEVEL, this exhibition project uses the gallery as a conceptual base-camp or frontline rather than a just site of display. The exhibition was developed and presented at The Block, Creative Industries Precinct, Queensland University of Technology in 2014. A co-authored paper about the project 'THIS IS NOT THE WORK – Feminist Collectives, Collaboration and Curating‘ was presented by members of LEVEL at the 'Feminist Curating: Contemporary Art and Feminism Symposium', Sydney College of the Arts, Sydney in October 2014.