278 resultados para Australian law and policy
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This paper considers the legal challenges to the legal validity of the patents held by Myriad Genetics in respect of genetic testing for breast cancer and ovarian cancer. It argues that broad-based patents on gene sequences and medical diagnostics will have a harmful effect upon access to patient care, genetic research, and the administration of public health care.
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It takes a lot of bravery for governments to stand up to big business. But the Gillard government has shown a lot of guts during its tenure. It stood up to Big Tobacco in the battle over plain packaging of tobacco products and has defended individuals and families affected by asbestos. It took on Big Oil in its Clean Energy Future reforms and stood up to the resource barons with the mining tax. The government is now considering Big Pharma - the pharmaceutical industry and their patents – and has launched several inquiries into patent law and pharmaceutical drugs...
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The Trans-Pacific Partnership is a sweeping trade agreement, spanning the Pacific Rim, and covering an array of topics, including intellectual property. There has been much analysis of the recently leaked intellectual property chapter of the Trans-Pacific Partnership by WikiLeaks. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks’ Editor-in-Chief, observed “The selective secrecy surrounding the TPP negotiations, which has let in a few cashed-up megacorps but excluded everyone else, reveals a telling fear of public scrutiny. By publishing this text we allow the public to engage in issues that will have such a fundamental impact on their lives.” Critical attention has focused upon the lack of transparency surrounding the agreement, copyright law and the digital economy; patent law, pharmaceutical drugs, and data protection; and the criminal procedures and penalties for trade secrets. The topic of trade mark law and related rights, such as internet domain names and geographical indications, deserves greater analysis.
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There’s nothing new about this recipe for success: toss in high-stress scenarios, flavour generously with competitive chefs, and garnish with a panel of celebrity judges. With all major broadcasters in the country now dishing up some form of reality cooking programme, Australians could be forgiven for having lost any expectation of original TV material. But that didn’t stop Channel Seven from taking Channel Nine to court last week, arguing its copyright in My Kitchen Rules had been infringed with Nine’s latest prime-time effort, The Hotplate. After the first few episodes went to air, Seven asked for an injunction to stop Nine from broadcasting any more episodes of the reality show. So let’s look at some common confusions about copyright law and how it relates to reality television. Because in this context, copyright infringement isn’t about shows sharing major similarities, or about protecting ideas, but rather the expression of these ideas in the final product. Still, stretching copyright law to protect the “vibe” of a work isn’t good for artists, TV producers or viewers: copyright was designed to nurture creativity, not stifle it.
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This article reports on a study which reviewed all publicly available succession law judgments in Australia during a 12-month period. The article begins with a brief overview of the relevant Australian law and the method adopted for the case review to provide some context for the analysis that follows. It then shifts to its primary objective: to provide an overview of Australian estate litigation during this period with a particular focus on analysing the family provision contests, which comprised over half the cases in the sample. The article examines how many estates were subject to family provision claims, who were contesting them, and to what extent those challenges were successful. The article also considers variation in estate litigation across Australian states and the impact of estate size on contests. It concludes by identifying the themes that emerged from these judicial cases and outlines their significance for law and practice reform.
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The Australian Library and Information Association (ALIA) is the professional association for the Australian library and information services sector. It seeks to empower the profession in the development, promotion and delivery of quality library and information services to the nation, through leadership, advocacy, and mutual support. The ALIA represents the interest of 6000 members, the profession and Australia's 12 million library users. The objects of the Association are listed in its constitution. They are To promote the free flow of information and ideas in the interest of all Australians and a thriving culture, economy, and democracy. To promote and improve the services provided by all kinds of library and information agencies. To ensure the high standard of personnel engaged in information provision and foster their professional interests and aspirations. To represent the interests of members to governments, other organizations, and the community. To encourage people to contribute to the improvement of library and information services through support and membership of the association.
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Arts culture organisations and funding authorities increasingly need to evaluate the impact of festivals, events and performances. Economic impacts are often privileged over 'soft data' about community experience and engagement. This new book offers a timely and scholarly demonstration of how cultural value and impact can be evaluated. It offers an innovative approach whereby the relationship developed between the researchers/evaluator and the commissioning arts and cultural producer provides an opportunity to rethink the traditional process of reporting back on value and impact through the singular entity of funds acquittal. Using three commissioned evaluations undertaken at an Australian university as an extended case study, the book investigates the two positions most often adopted by researchers/evaluators - embedded and collaborative, or external and distanced - and argues the merits and deficiencies of the two approaches. Offering an examination of how arts evaluation 'works' in theory and practice and more importantly, why it is needed now and in the future to demonstrate the reach and cultural gains from arts and cultural projects, this will be essential reading for students in arts management, professionals working in arts and cultural organisations, scholars working in association with creative industries and cultural development.
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Vitamin D is synthesised in the skin through the action of UVB radiation (sunlight), and 25-hydroxy vitamin D (25OHD) measured in serum as a marker of vitamin D status. Several studies, mostly conducted in high latitudes, have shown an association between type 1 diabetes mellitus (T1DM) and low serum 25OHD. We conducted a case-control study to determine whether, in a sub-tropical environment with abundant sunlight (latitude 27.5°S), children with T1DM have lower serum vitamin D than children without diabetes. Fifty-six children with T1DM (14 newly diagnosed) and 46 unrelated control children participated in the study. Serum 25OHD, 1,25-dihydroxy vitamin D (1,25(OH)2D) and selected biochemical indices were measured. Vitamin D receptor (VDR) polymorphisms Taq1, Fok1, and Apa1 were genotyped. Fitzpatrick skin classification, self-reported daily hours of outdoor exposure, and mean UV index over the 35d prior to blood collection were recorded. Serum 25OHD was lower in children with T1DM (n=56) than in controls (n=46) [mean (95%CI)=78.7 (71.8-85.6) nmol/L vs. 91.4 (83.5-98.7) nmol/L, p=0.02]. T1DM children had lower self-reported outdoor exposure and mean UV exposure, but no significant difference in distribution of VDR polymorphisms. 25OHD remained lower in children with T1DM after covariate adjustment. Children newly diagnosed with T1DM had lower 1,25(OH)2D [median (IQR)=89 (68-122) pmol/L] than controls [121 (108-159) pmol/L, p=0.03], or children with established diabetes [137 (113-153) pmol/L, p=0.01]. Children with T1DM have lower 25OHD than controls, even in an environment of abundant sunlight. Whether low vitamin D is a risk factor or consequence of T1DM is unknown. © 2012 John Wiley & Sons A/S.
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STEM education faces an interesting conundrum. Western countries have implemented constructivist inspired student centred practices which are argued to be more engaging and relevant to student learning than the traditional, didactic approaches. However, student interest in pursuing careers in STEM have fallen or stagnated. In contrast, students in many developing countries in which teaching is still somewhat didactic and teacher centred are more disposed to STEM related careers than their western counterparts. Clearly, factors are at work which impact the way students value science and mathematics. This review draws on three components that act as determinants of science education in three different countries – Australia, India and Malaysia. We explore how national priorities and educational philosophy impacts educational practices as well as teacher beliefs and the need for suitable professional development. Socio-economic conditions for science education that are fundamental for developing countries in adopting constructivist educational models are analysed. It is identified that in order to reduce structural dissimilarities among countries that cause fragmentation of scientific knowledge, for Malaysia constructivist science education through English medium without losing the spirit of Malaysian culture and Malay language is essential while India need to adopt constructivist quality indicators in education. While adopting international English education, and reducing dominance of impact evaluation, India and Malaysia need to prevent losing their cultural and social capital vigour. Furthermore the paper argues that Australia might need to question the efficacy of current models that fail to engage students’ long term interest in STEM related careers. Australian and Malaysian science teachers must be capable of changing the personal biographies of learners for developing scientific conceptual information. In addition both Malaysia and Australia need to provide opportunities for access to different curricular programmes of knowledge based constructivist learning for different levels of learner competencies.
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Campaigning in Australian election campaigns at local, state, and federal levels is fundamentally affected by the fact that voting is compulsory in Australia, with citizens who are found to have failed to cast their vote subject to fines. This means that - contrary to the situation in most other nations – elections are decided not by which candidate or party has managed to encourage the largest number of nominal supporters to make the effort to cast their vote, but by some 10-20% of genuine ‘swinging voters’ who change their party preferences from one election to the next. Political campaigning is thus aimed less at existing party supporters (so-called ‘rusted on’ voters whose continued support for the party is essentially taken for granted) than at this genuinely undecided middle of the electorate. Over the past decades, this has resulted in a comparatively timid, vague campaigning style from both major party blocs (the progressive Australian Labor Party [ALP] and the conservative Coalition of the Liberal and National Parties [L/NP]). Election commitments that run the risk of being seen as too partisan and ideological are avoided as they could scare away swinging voters, and recent elections have been fought as much (or more) on the basis of party leaders’ perceived personas as they have on stated policies, even though Australia uses a parliamentary system in which the Prime Minister and state Premiers are elected by their party room rather than directly by voters. At the same time, this perceived lack of distinctiveness in policies between the major parties has also enabled the emergence of new, smaller parties which (under Australia’s Westminster-derived political system) have no hope of gaining a parliamentary majority but could, in a close election, come to hold the balance of power and thus exert disproportionate influence on a government which relies on their support.
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A rich source of Japanese jurisprudence on sexual equality underlies Japan's emerging law against sexual harassment. With no law specifically outlawing sexual harassment, academics and the courts have invoked the principle of sexual equality to support their conclusion that Japanese law carries an implicit prohibition against acts of sexual harassment. In developing a legal case against sexual harassment, Japanese courts and academic commentators have introduced novel constructions of equality. The key innovations include relational equality, inherent equality and quantifiable equality. In presenting some of these Japanese contributions to equality jurisprudence, the hope is that feminist discourse on equality can take place in a broader context-a context that does not ignore the Eastern cultural experience.
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The benefits of microalgae biofuels over first and second generation counterparts suggest it has potential as a major biofuel feedstock in Australia. However, the high costs of cultivation and processing has been a major drawback for investors and policymakers. This presentation outlines the economic potential for microalgae biofuels: firstly, through production of microalgae co-products (e.g feed and fertiliser); and secondly, deriving what consumers are willing to pay for microalgae biofuels based on external benefits. These findings will assist decision-makers in both private and public sectors and inform policy development with respect to microalgae as a feedstock for biofuels and other products. This study adds an economics perspective to the current technical literature which has been dominated by biochemical, engineering and financial valuation studies.
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This chapter examines patterns in social media activity around Australian elections, focusing primarily on the 2013 federal election and supplemented by extended research into social media and Australian politics between 2007 and 2015. The coverage of Australian elections on social media is analysed from three perspectives: the evolution of the use of online platforms during elections; politician and party social media strategies during the 2013 election, focusing on Twitter; and citizen engagement with elections as demonstrated through election day tweeting practices. The specific context of Australian politics, where voting is compulsory, and the popularity of social media platforms like Twitter makes this case notably different from other Western democracies. It also demonstrates the extended mediation of politics through social media, for politicians and citizens alike.