Chasing reporters : Infotainment, intertextuality and media satire

The Chaser’s War on Everything is a night time entertainment program which screened on Australia’s public broadcaster, the ABC in 2006 and 2007. This enormously successful comedy show managed to generate a lot of controversy in its short lifespan (see, for example, Dennehy, 2007; Dubecki, 2007; McLean, 2007; Wright, 2007), but also drew much praise for its satirising of, and commentary on, topical issues. Through interviews with the program’s producers, qualitative audience research and textual analysis, this paper will focus on this show’s media satire, and the segment ‘What Have We Learned From Current Affairs This Week?’ in particular. Viewed as a form of ‘Critical Intertextuality’ (Gray, 2006), this segment (which offered a humorous critique of the ways in which news and current affairs are presented elsewhere on television) may equip citizens with a better understanding of the new genre’s production methods, thus producing a higher level of public media literacy. This paper argues that through its media satire, The Chaser acts not as a traditional news program would in informing the public with new information, but as a text which can inform and shape our understanding of news that already exists within the public sphere. Humorous analyses and critiques of the media (like those analysed in this paper), are in fact very important forms of infotainment, because they can provide “other, ‘improper,’ and yet more media literate and savvy interpretations” (Gray, 2006, p. 4) of the news.

Chasing Reporters : Intertextuality, Entertainment and Public Knowledge

This paper examines ‘What Have We Learned From Current Affairs This Week?’: a very successful weekly segment from the ABC program The Chaser’s War on Everything. It argues that through its intertextual satire, this regular segment acts not as a traditional news program would in presenting news updates on current events, but as a text which reflects on the way news is reported and how this, in turn, may shape public discourse. While the program has been highly controversial (enduring many a loud call for it to be pulled from air), this form of light entertainment can play an important public service by encouraging citizens to ‘read through’ (Gray, 2006: 104) commercial current affairs’ façade of ‘quality’ journalism.

Why disaster survivors speak to reporters

Practice-led journalism research techniques were used in this study to produce a ‘first draft of history’ recording the human experience of survivors and rescuers during the January 2011 flash flood disaster in Toowoomba and the Lockyer Valley in Queensland, Australia. The study aimed to discover what can be learnt from engaging in journalistic reporting of natural disasters, using journalism as both a creative practice and a research methodology. (Lindgren and Phillips, 2011, 75). The willingness of a very high proportion of severely traumatised flood survivors to participate in the flood research was unexpected but made it possible to document a relatively unstudied question within the literature about journalism and trauma – when and why disaster survivors will want to speak to journalists. The study reports six categories of reasons interviewees gave for their willingness to speak to the media: for their own personal recovery; their desire for the public to know what had happened; that lessons need to be learned from the disaster; their sense of duty to make sure warning systems and disaster responses are improved in future; the financial disinterest of reporters in listening to survivors; and the timing of the request for an interview. In addition, traumatised flood survivors found both the opportunity to speak to the media and the journalistic outputs of the research cathartic in their recovery.

Asia

Reporters sans frontiéres (RSF) has repeatedly declared Asia to be the most demanding continent for journalists and their news organizations to operate in, and in some countries, even simply to survive in. The many reports issued by RSF and other global agencies regularly show Asia to be the region in which the largest number of murders of journalists occur per year, even when Asian–Arabic states and Central Asia are not included in the definition of ‘Asia’. The reports describe numerous physical, legal and economic threats as well as serious political repression and restrictions that journalists face as they attempt to function as watch-dogs, agenda-setters and gate-keepers for their societies. The statistics and examples provided within these reports, however, do not provide the full picture. Most Asian nations also host vibrant media cultures in which journalists play an important role in supporting social and democratic processes and activities. This chapter outlines the political and economic influences on Asian journalism; the impact of new technologies; the debates about philosophies such as 'development journalism', 'peace journalism' and 'Asian values'; and the influence of the so-called 'envelope culture' or practices of gift-giving and bribery that pervade journalism in some countries. To illustrate how these principles affect journalists' practice, the chapter presents a comparison of the starkly contrasting situations in India versus North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea). The chapter also describes issues affecting countries as far afield as China to Kazakhstan, including a short case study of journalism during the so-called Saffron Revolution in Burma in 2007. The chapter concludes with suggestions about how training and aid for the Asian should be contextualized to take into account the specific cultural, economic and political factors that shape and limit the media’s performance, and how journalists might be best placed to negotiate around them. Such training needs to be sensitive to valid variations in perceptions of what kind of governance and journalism best serves development, without serving politically motivated rhetoric.

Who makes the news : Australia : global media monitoring project 2010 national report

The Australian report for the Global Media Monitoring Project 2010 (GMMP 2010) involved a study of 374 stories that were sampled from 26 Australian newspapers, radio and television stations, and internet news services on 10 November 2009. This snapshot of reporting on that day suggests that women are under-represented in the Australian news media as both the sources and creators of news. Females made up only 24% of the 1012 news sources who were heard, read about or seen in the stories that were studied. Neglect of female sources was particularly noticeable in sports news. Women made up only 1% of the 142 sources who were talked about or quoted in sports stories. Female sources of news were disproportionately portrayed as celebrities and victims. Although women made up only 24% of sources overall, they comprised 44% of victims of crimes, accidents, war, health problems, or discrimination. Unsurprisingly, women made up 32% of sources in stories about violent crimes and 29% in stories about disasters, accidents or emergencies – usually in the role of victim. Females were commonly defined in terms of their status as a mother, daughter, wife, sister or other family relationship. Family status was mentioned for 33% of women quoted or discussed in the news stories compared to only 13% of male sources. Women also made up 75% of sources described as homemakers or parents. The Australian GMMP 2010 study also indicates a gender division among the journalists who wrote or presented the news. Only 32% of the stories were written or presented by female reporters and newsreaders. The gender inequality was again most evident in sports journalism. Findings from the Australian report also contributed to the GMMP 2010 Global Report and the Pacific GMMP 2010 Regional Report, which are available at http://whomakesthenews.org/gmmp/gmmp-reports/gmmp-2010-reports

Journalists in film : heroes & villains

We both love and hate our journalists. They are perceived as sexy and glamorous on the one hand, despicable and sleazy on the other. Opinion polls regularly indicate that we experience a kind of cultural schizophrenia in our relationship to journalists and the news media: sometimes they are viewed as heroes, at other times villains. From Watergate to the fabrication scandals of the 2000s, journalists have risen and fallen in public esteem. In this book, leading journalism studies scholar Brian McNair explores how journalists have been represented through the prism of one of our key cultural forms, cinema. Drawing on the history of cinema since the 1930s, and with a focus on the period 1997-2008, McNair explores how journalists have been portrayed in film, and what these images tell us about the role of the journalist in liberal democratic societies. Separate chapters are devoted to the subject of female journalists in film, foreign correspondents, investigative reporters and other categories of news maker who have featured regularly in cinema. The book also discusses the representation of public relations professionals in film. Illustrated throughout and written in an accessible and lively style suitable for academic and lay readers alike, Journalists in Film will be essential reading for students and teachers of journalism, and for all those concerned about the role of the journalist in contemporary society, not least journalists themselves. An appendix contains mini-essays on every film about journalism released in the cinema between 1997 and 2008.

Exploring the contested role of mandatory reporting laws in the identification of severe child abuse and neglect

Significant numbers of children are severely abused and neglected by parents and caregivers. Infants and very young children are the most vulnerable and are unable to seek help. To identify these situations and enable child protection and the provision of appropriate assistance, many jurisdictions have enacted ‘mandatory reporting laws’ requiring designated professionals such as doctors, nurses, police and teachers to report suspected cases of severe child abuse and neglect. Other jurisdictions have not adopted this legislative approach, at least partly motivated by a concern that the laws produce dramatic increases in unwarranted reports, which, it is argued, lead to investigations which infringe on people’s privacy, cause trauma to innocent parents and families, and divert scarce government resources from deserving cases. The primary purpose of this paper is to explore the extent to which opposition to mandatory reporting laws is valid based on the claim that the laws produce ‘overreporting’. The first part of this paper revisits the original mandatory reporting laws, discusses their development into various current forms, explains their relationship with policy and common law reporting obligations, and situates them in the context of their place in modern child protection systems. This part of the paper shows that in general, contemporary reporting laws have expanded far beyond their original conceptualisation, but that there is also now a deeper understanding of the nature, incidence, timing and effects of different types of severe maltreatment, an awareness that the real incidence of maltreatment is far higher than that officially recorded, and that there is strong evidence showing the majority of identified cases of severe maltreatment are the result of reports by mandated reporters. The second part of this paper discusses the apparent effect of mandatory reporting laws on ‘overreporting’ by referring to Australian government data about reporting patterns and outcomes, with a particular focus on New South Wales. It will be seen that raw descriptive data about report numbers and outcomes appear to show that reporting laws produce both desirable consequences (identification of severe cases) and problematic consequences (increased numbers of unsubstantiated reports). Yet, to explore the extent to which the data supports the overreporting claim, and because numbers of unsubstantiated reports alone cannot demonstrate overreporting, this part of the paper asks further questions of the data. Who makes reports, about which maltreatment types, and what are the outcomes of those reports? What is the nature of these reports; for example, to what extent are multiple numbers of reports made about the same child? What meaning can be attached to an ‘unsubstantiated’ report, and can such reports be used to show flaws in reporting effectiveness and problems in reporting laws? It will be suggested that available evidence from Australia is not sufficiently detailed or strong to demonstrate the overreporting claim. However, it is also apparent that, whether adopting an approach based on public health and or other principles, much better evidence about reporting needs to be collected and analyzed. As well, more nuanced research needs to be conducted to identify what can reasonably be said to constitute ‘overreports’, and efforts must be made to minimize unsatisfactory reporting practice, informed by the relevant jurisdiction’s context and aims. It is also concluded that, depending on the jurisdiction, the available data may provide useful indicators of positive, negative and unanticipated effects of specific components of the laws, and of the strengths, weaknesses and needs of the child protection system.

Improving the measurement and surveillance of child abuse in Queensland emergency departments

There are no population studies of prevalence or incidence of child maltreatment in Australia. Child protection data gives some understanding but is restricted by system capacity and definitional issues across jurisdictions. Child protection data currently suggests that numbers of reports are increasing yearly, and the child protection system then becomes focussed on investigating all reports and diluting available resources for those children who are most in need of intervention. A public health response across multiple agencies enables responses to child safety across the entire population. All families are targeted at the primary level; examples include ensuring all parents know the dangers of shaking a baby or teaching children to say no if a situation makes them uncomfortable. The secondary level of prevention targets families with a number of risk factors, for example subsidised child care so children aren't left unsupervised after school when both parents have to be at work or home visiting for drug-addicted parents to ensure children are cared for. The tertiary response then becomes the responsibility of the child protection system and is reserved for those children where abuse and neglect are identified. This model requires that child safety is seen in a broader context than just the child protection system, and increasingly health professionals are being identified as an important component in the public health framework. If all injury is viewed as preventable and considered along a continuum of 'accidental' through to 'inflicted', it becomes possible to conceptualise child maltreatment in an injury context. Parental intent may not be to cause harm to the child, but by lack of insight or concern about risk, the potential for injury is high. The mechanisms for unintentional and intentional injury overlap and some suggest that by segregating child abuse (with the possible exception of sexual abuse) from unintentional injury, child abuse is excluded from the broader injury prevention initiative that is gaining momentum in the community. This research uses a public health perspective, specifically that of injury prevention, to consider the problem of child abuse. This study employed a mixed method design that incorporates secondary data analysis, data linkage and structured interviews of different professional groups. Datasets from the Queensland Injury Surveillance Unit (QISU) and The Department of Child Safety (DCS) were evaluated. Coded injury data was grouped according to intent of injury according to those with a code that indicated the ED presentation was due to child abuse, a code indicating that the injury was possibly due to abuse or, in the third group, the intent code indicated that the injury was unintentional and not due to abuse. Primary data collection from ED records was undertaken and information recoded to assess reliability and completeness. Emergency department data (QISU) was linked to Department of Child Safety Data to examine concordance and data quality. Factors influencing the collection and collation of these data were identified through structured interview methodology and analysed using qualitative methods. Secondary analysis of QISU data indicated that codes lacking specific information on the injury event were more likely to also have an intent code indicating abuse than those records where there was specific information on the injury event. Codes for abuse appeared in only 1.2% of the 84,765 records analysed. Unintentional injury was the most commonly coded intent (95.3%). In the group with a definite abuse code assigned at triage, 83% linked to a record with DCS and cases where documentation indicated police involvement were significantly more likely to be associated with a DCS record than those without such documentation. In those coded with an unintentional injury code, 22% linked to a DCS record with cases assigned an urgent triage category more likely to link than those with a triage category for resuscitation and children who presented to regional or remote hospitals more likely to link to a DCS record than those presenting to urban hospitals. Twenty-nine per cent of cases with a code indicating possible abuse linked to a DCS record. In documentation that indicated police involvement in the case, a code for unspecified activity when compared to cases with a code indicating involvement in a sporting activity and children less than 12 months of age compared to those in the 13-17 year old age group were all variables significantly associated with linkage to a DCS record. Only 13% of records contained documentation indicating that child abuse and neglect were considered in the diagnosis of the injury despite almost half of the sample having a code of abuse or possible abuse. Doctors and nurses were confident in their knowledge of the process of reporting child maltreatment but less confident about identifying child abuse and neglect and what should be reported. Many were concerned about implications of reporting, for the child and family and for themselves. A number were concerned about the implications of not reporting, mostly for the wellbeing of the child and a few in terms of their legal obligations as mandatory reporters. The outcomes of this research will help improve the knowledge of barriers to effective surveillance of child abuse in emergency departments. This will, in turn, ensure better identification and reporting practises; more reliable official statistical collections and the potential of flagging high-risk cases to ensure adequate departmental responses have been initiated.

Investigative Essentials for Journalists in Multicultural and Diverse Communities

This chapter describes how investigative journalism can uncover news that often goes unreported about personalities, problems, ways of life and pressing issues in ethnic and religious sub-communities. While investigative journalism is traditionally understood as reporting that exposes corrupt, inefficient, incompetent or other inappropriate conduct in politics and business circles, investigative reporters do far more than that. They also map human activities, landmarks, patterns and changes in the landscape, and connections across the whole of society. This type of investigative journalism can improve reporting of ethnic and religious sub-communities via identification, deep observation and analysis of trends, events, and issues that would otherwise remain hidden or obscured. The chapter includes details of techniques that investigative journalists can employ to identify interesting topics, find sources of information, analyse data and issues, and report compelling stories.

Lessons from media reporting of natural disasters : a case study of the 2011 flash floods in Toowoomba and the Lockyer Valley

Practice-led journalism research techniques were used in this study to produce a ‘first draft of history’ recording the human experience of survivors and rescuers during the January 2011 flash flood disaster in Toowoomba and the Lockyer Valley in Queensland, Australia. The study aimed to discover what can be learnt from engaging in journalistic reporting of natural disasters. This exegesis demonstrates that journalism can be both a creative practice and a research methodology. About 120 survivors, rescuers and family members of victims participated in extended interviews about what happened to them and how they survived. Their stories are the basis for two creative outputs of the study: a radio documentary and a non-fiction book, that document how and why people died, or survived, or were rescued. Listeners and readers are taken "into the flood" where they feel anxious for those in peril, relief when people are saved, and devastated when babies, children and adults are swept away to their deaths. In undertaking reporting about the human experience of the floods, several significant elements about journalistic reportage of disasters were exposed. The first related to the vital role that the online social media played during the disaster for individuals, citizen reporters, journalists and emergency services organisations. Online social media offer reporters powerful new reporting tools for both gathering and disseminating news. The second related to the performance of journalists in covering events involving traumatic experiences. Journalists are often required to cover trauma and are often amongst the first-responders to disasters. This study found that almost all of the disaster survivors who were approached were willing to talk in detail about their traumatic experiences. A finding of this project is that journalists who interview trauma survivors can develop techniques for improving their ability to interview people who have experienced traumatic events. These include being flexible with interview timing and selecting a location; empowering interviewees to understand they don’t have to answer every question they are asked; providing emotional security for interviewees; and by being committed to accuracy. Survivors may exhibit posttraumatic stress symptoms but some exhibit and report posttraumatic growth. The willingness of a high proportion of the flood survivors to participate in the flood research made it possible to document a relatively unstudied question within the literature about journalism and trauma – when and why disaster survivors will want to speak to reporters. The study sheds light on the reasons why a group of traumatised people chose to speak about their experiences. Their reasons fell into six categories: lessons need to be learned from the disaster; a desire for the public to know what had happened; a sense of duty to make sure warning systems and disaster responses to be improved in future; personal recovery; the financial disinterest of reporters in listening to survivors; and the timing of the request for an interview. Feedback to the creative-practice component of this thesis - the book and radio documentary - shows that these issues are not purely matters of ethics. By following appropriate protocols, it is possible to produce stories that engender strong audience responses such as that the program was "amazing and deeply emotional" and "community storytelling at its most important". Participants reported that the experience of the interview process was "healing" and that the creative outcome resulted in "a very precious record of an afternoon of tragedy and triumph and the bitter-sweetness of survival".

Resources for improving journalists' understanding of the economic and financial parameters of Australia's agricultural and commodity producers

The research addresses how an understanding of the fundamentals of economics will better inform general journalists who report on issues or events affecting rural and regional Australia. The research draws on practice-based experience of the author, formal economics studies, interviews with news editors from Australian television news organisations, and interviews from leading economists. A guidebook has also been written to help journalists apply economic theories to their reporting. The guidebook enables reporters to think strategically and consider the 'big picture' when they inform society about policies, commodity trade, the environment, or any issues involving rural and regional Australia.

Inferring diffusion in single live cells at the single-molecule level

The movement of molecules inside living cells is a fundamental feature of biological processes. The ability to both observe and analyse the details of molecular diffusion in vivo at the single-molecule and single-cell level can add significant insight into understanding molecular architectures of diffus- ing molecules and the nanoscale environment in which the molecules diffuse. The tool of choice for monitoring dynamic molecular localization in live cells is fluorescence microscopy, especially so combining total internal reflection fluorescence with the use of fluorescent protein (FP) reporters in offering exceptional imaging contrast for dynamic processes in the cell mem- brane under relatively physiological conditions compared with competing single-molecule techniques. There exist several different complex modes of diffusion, and discriminating these from each other is challenging at the mol- ecular level owing to underlying stochastic behaviour. Analysis is traditionally performed using mean square displacements of tracked particles; however, this generally requires more data points than is typical for single FP tracks owing to photophysical instability. Presented here is a novel approach allowing robust Bayesian ranking of diffusion processes to dis-criminate multiple complex modes probabilistically. It is a computational approach that biologists can use to understand single-molecule features in live cells.

Trauma overload

Reporting on death and accidents in regional and rural areas can exact a heavy toll on reporters. News reporters necessarily report on trauma. Overseas correspondents who report from war zones or areas of conflict or natural disaster are often exposed to physical risk and are sometimes required to confront extreme trauma. To an extent reporters embarking on overseas assignments are mentally prepared to face traumatic situations. Their supervisors are more or less aware of the reporter’s isolation and vulnerability...

Global story-telling in a socially-networked world

Journalists work in an intensively time-pressured environment, researching and writing to daily, often 24 hour, deadlines and always aware of the competition with other news outlets to be first with the news. This results, as Karen Sanders has observed, in journalists having very little time for reflection. “If they do reflect, it’s usually after a decision has been made” (Sanders 2003, 168). Yet time for reflection upon professional practice is important, especially in an era of extremely rapid and seismic technological change in the global media. This paper will reflect upon how freelance journalists can use advances in social media and web-based connectedness to tell global stories via mainstream media outlets. In exploring this question, I will examine the techniques and communications technologies used by three reporters working in the UK and Australia to find, investigate and break a series of articles, published simultaneously on the front pages of The Australian and The Times (London) newspapers, was a result of a six month investigation. The series exposed a 50-year cover-up of the serial abuse of children by one of the Church of England's most senior clergy, Robert Waddington, in Australia and the UK. It unearthed the existence of a culture of physical and sexual abuse at St Barnabas boarding school in Queensland, the sudden closure of the school and disappearance of student files - as well as Waddington's subsequent offences against children while Dean of Manchester Cathedral. We produced more than 20 articles. The coverage sparked church-ordered investigations in both countries, and also prompted the Archbishop of Canterbury to order a commission of inquiry – headed by a sitting UK judge - as well as a nationwide child safety audit of dioceses in Britain. In Australia, the church referred the case and handed its files to the Royal Commission into Child Sexual Abuse. The coverage marked the first publishing collaboration between The Australian and The Times to break an exclusive story in Australia and Britain simultaneously, on May 10, 2013.

Investigative journalism in a socially networked world

This article explores how investigative journalists can join the network society by moving online, collaborating with other reporters and media outlets across regions and across national borders, yet publishing in newspapers which arguably remain the central stage of the public sphere (Carson, 2013). A better understanding of the potential of social media and web-based communications for undertaking journalistic investigations can lead to the adoption of a global perspective, enriching local, regional and national stories (Berglez, 2013). The research and collaboration for a transnational story published simultaneously in The Australian and collaboration in London in 2013 may provide insights into the potential for the use of social media platforms and web-based communications for finding stories, collaborating and following stories into the social media to find leads to follow-up stories. This article questions whether the synergies between mainstream media and social media platforms may yield potentially high impact stories for major masthead newspapers and thus contribute to their sustainability. Connectivity with news sources has always been an important resource for journalists. Online networks may have the potential to expand the range of voices that can be heard and the issues that can be covered.