87 resultados para Main Street Revitalization
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Well, it has been Clem 7 month here in Brisbane and my impression is “so far, so good!” For those of you who know Brisbane, the four lane twin Clem Jones Tunnel (M7) is approximately 4.5km long, and connects Ipswich Road (A7) at the Princess Alexandra Hospital on the south side with Bowen Bridge Road (A3) at the Royal Brisbane Hospital on the north side. There are also south access ramps to the Pacific Motorway and east access ramps to Shafston Avenue (headed to/from Wynnum). Brisbanites have been enjoying a three week no-toll taste test, and I paced through it one evening with minimal fuss. The tunnel seems to have eased the congestion at the Stanley Street on-ramp to the Pacific Motorway quite a bit, and Ipswich Road – Main Street through the ‘Gabba. One must watch the signage carefully, but once we get used to the infrastructure, this will not likely be problematic. It will be interesting to see how traffic behaves when the system settles after tolling, which has likely commenced by the time you’re reading. I believe a passenger car toll is about $4.20 one way but saves about 24 signalised intersection pass-throughs.
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House dust is a heterogeneous matrix, which contains a number of biological materials and particulate matter gathered from several sources. It is the accumulation of a number of semi-volatile and non-volatile contaminants. The contaminants are trapped and preserved. Therefore, house dust can be viewed as an archive of both the indoor and outdoor air pollution. There is evidence to show that on average, people tend to stay indoors most of the time and this increases exposure to house dust. The aims of this investigation were to: " assess the levels of Polycyclic Aromatic Hydrocarbons (PAHs), elements and pesticides in the indoor environment of the Brisbane area; " identify and characterise the possible sources of elemental constituents (inorganic elements), PAHs and pesticides by means of Positive Matrix Factorisation (PMF); and " establish the correlations between the levels of indoor air pollutants (PAHs, elements and pesticides) with the external and internal characteristics or attributes of the buildings and indoor activities by means of multivariate data analysis techniques. The dust samples were collected during the period of 2005-2007 from homes located in different suburbs of Brisbane, Ipswich and Toowoomba, in South East Queensland, Australia. A vacuum cleaner fitted with a paper bag was used as a sampler for collecting the house dust. A survey questionnaire was filled by the house residents which contained information about the indoor and outdoor characteristics of their residences. House dust samples were analysed for three different pollutants: Pesticides, Elements and PAHs. The analyses were carried-out for samples of particle size less than 250 µm. The chemical analyses for both pesticides and PAHs were performed using a Gas Chromatography Mass Spectrometry (GC-MS), while elemental analysis was carried-out by using Inductively-Coupled Plasma-Mass Spectroscopy (ICP-MS). The data was subjected to multivariate data analysis techniques such as multi-criteria decision-making procedures, Preference Ranking Organisation Method for Enrichment Evaluations (PROMETHEE), coupled with Geometrical Analysis for Interactive Aid (GAIA) in order to rank the samples and to examine data display. This study showed that compared to the results from previous works, which were carried-out in Australia and overseas, the concentrations of pollutants in house dusts in Brisbane and the surrounding areas were relatively very high. The results of this work also showed significant correlations between some of the physical parameters (types of building material, floor level, distance from industrial areas and major road, and smoking) and the concentrations of pollutants. Types of building materials and the age of houses were found to be two of the primary factors that affect the concentrations of pesticides and elements in house dust. The concentrations of these two types of pollutant appear to be higher in old houses (timber houses) than in the brick ones. In contrast, the concentrations of PAHs were noticed to be higher in brick houses than in the timber ones. Other factors such as floor level, and distance from the main street and industrial area, also affected the concentrations of pollutants in the house dust samples. To apportion the sources and to understand mechanisms of pollutants, Positive Matrix Factorisation (PMF) receptor model was applied. The results showed that there were significant correlations between the degree of concentration of contaminants in house dust and the physical characteristics of houses, such as the age and the type of the house, the distance from the main road and industrial areas, and smoking. Sources of pollutants were identified. For PAHs, the sources were cooking activities, vehicle emissions, smoking, oil fumes, natural gas combustion and traces of diesel exhaust emissions; for pesticides the sources were application of pesticides for controlling termites in buildings and fences, treating indoor furniture and in gardens for controlling pests attacking horticultural and ornamental plants; for elements the sources were soil, cooking, smoking, paints, pesticides, combustion of motor fuels, residual fuel oil, motor vehicle emissions, wearing down of brake linings and industrial activities.
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Saudi Arabia experiences housing shortage for mid and low-income families, which is caused by rapid population growth. This condition is worsened by the fact that the current housing supply has problems in meeting both sustainable requirements and cultural needs of those families. This paper aims to investigate the link between the unique conservative Saudi culture and the design of sustainable housing, while keeping the housing cost affordable for mid and low-income families. The paper is based on a review of literatures on the issues of the Islamic culture and how can they be integrated into the design process of a Saudi house. Findings from literature reveiw suggest several design requirements for accommodating the conservative Saudi Culture in low cost sustainable houses. Such requirements include the implementation of proper usage of windows, and house orientation with a courtyard inside rather than facing the main street will provide natural ventilation while maintaining privacy. The main contribution to the body of knowledge is that this is a new approach to sustainable housing in Saudi Arabia considering not only energy use and architectural design issues but also socio-cultural issues as an essential part of sustainability.
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Linking Karumba: Creating Sustainable Connections This exhibition showcases the work of 3rd -4th year undergraduate landscape architecture, architecture, Industrial Design, Environmental Engineering, Civil Engineering students in response to issues of sustainability in the Gulf of Carpentaria town of Karumba. It presented the work to the Karumba and Carpentaria Shire community. 16 students and four staff set off on a 2488km journey to undertake the first half of the Carpentaria Project: a fortnight-long strategic planning project entitled Linking Karumba to encourage social, economic, environmental and cultural linkages across the town. Karumba, along with the nearby town of Normanton, is one of Queensland’s most remote settlements. Its economy is based on fishing, tourism, and mining. It has two centres, 2.5km apart by river, or 9km by road. This physical disconnect was identified by Carpentaria Shire Council (CSC) and the Karumba Progress Association (KPA) as a source of socio-cultural disconnection, which formed the basis of our project brief. Student designs were highly responsive to the character of Karumba’s culture and environment, indicating remarkable levels of immersion, and attracting $830 000 in Qld. state government funding for implementation. The Exhibition Four groups of four students produced four strategic planning and design options toward this future: Make the Switch: Alice Anonuevo, Michael Marriott, Carla Priestley & Grant Harvey Realigning the Systems: Claudia Bergs, Rebecca Stephens, Anna Coulson & Lois Kerrigan Diversification of Experience: Rebecca North, Kyle Bush, Debra Sullivan & Jenna Green The River is the Main Street: Ashley Nicholson, Monica Kuiken, Dean Bowen & Bill Schild
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QUT Linking Karumba Project This exhibition showcases the work of 3rd -4th year undergraduate landscape architecture, architecture, Industrial Design, Environmental Engineering, Civil Engineering students in response to issues of sustainability in the Gulf of Carpentaria town of Karumba. It presented the final, polished set of work to the Karumba and Carpentaria Shire community, following revisions in line with feedback from the 2008 exhibition. 16 students and four staff set off on a 2488km journey to undertake the first half of the Carpentaria Project: a fortnight-long strategic planning project entitled Linking Karumba to encourage social, economic, environmental and cultural linkages across the town. Karumba, along with the nearby town of Normanton, is one of Queensland’s most remote settlements. Its economy is based on fishing, tourism, and mining. It has two centres, 2.5km apart by river, or 9km by road. This physical disconnect was identified by Carpentaria Shire Council (CSC) and the Karumba Progress Association (KPA) as a source of socio-cultural disconnection, which formed the basis of our project brief. Student designs were highly responsive to the character of Karumba’s culture and environment, indicating remarkable levels of immersion, and attracting $830 000 in Qld. state government funding for implementation. The Exhibition Four groups of four students produced four strategic planning and design options toward this future: Make the Switch: Alice Anonuevo, Michael Marriott, Carla Priestley & Grant Harvey Realigning the Systems: Claudia Bergs, Rebecca Stephens, Anna Coulson & Lois Kerrigan Diversification of Experience: Rebecca North, Kyle Bush, Debra Sullivan & Jenna Green The River is the Main Street: Ashley Nicholson, Monica Kuiken, Dean Bowen & Bill Schild
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This research is an autoethnographic investigation of consumption experiences, public and quasi-public spaces, and their relationship to community within an inner city neighbourhood. The research specifically focuses on the gentrifying inner city, where class-based processes of change can have implications for people’s abilities to remain within, or feel connected to place. However, the thesis draws on broader theories of the throwntogetherness of the contemporary city (e.g., Amin and Thrift, 2002; Massey 2005) to argue that the city is a space where place-based meanings cannot be seen to be fixed, and are instead better understood as events of place – based on ever shifting interrelations between the trajectories of people and things. This perspective argues the experience of belonging to community is not just born of a social encounter, but also draws on the physical and symbolic elements of the context in which it is situated. The thesis particularly explores the ways people construct identifications within this shifting urban environment. As such, consumption practices and spaces offer one important lens through which to explore the interplay of the physical, social and symbolic. Consumer research tells us that consumption practices can facilitate experiences in which identity-defining meaning can be generated and shared. Consumption spaces can also support different kinds of collective identification – as anchoring realms for specific cultural groups or exposure realms that enable individuals to share in the identification practices of others with limited risk (Aubert-Gamet & Cova, 1999). Furthermore, the consumption-based lifestyles that gentrifying inner city neighbourhoods both support and encourage can also mean that consumption practices may be a key reason that people are moving through public space. That is, consumption practices and spaces may provide a purpose for which – and spatial frame against which – our everyday interactions and connections with people and objects are undertaken within such neighbourhoods. The purpose of this investigation then was to delve into the subjectivities at the heart of identifying with places, using the lens of our consumption-based experiences within them. The enquiry describes individual and collective identifications and emotional connections, and explores how these arise within and through our experiences within public and quasi-public spaces. It then theorises these ‘imaginings’ as representative of an experience of community. To do so, it draws on theories of imagination and its relation to community. Theories of imagined community remind us that both the values and identities of community are held together by projections that create relational links out of objects and shared practices (e.g., Benedict Anderson, 2006; Urry, 2000). Drawing on broader theories of the processes of the imagination, this thesis suggests that an interplay between reflexivity and fantasy – which are products of the critical and the fascinated consciousness – plays a role in this imagining of community (e.g., Brann, 1991; Ricoeur, 1994). This thesis therefore seeks to explore how these processes of imagining are implicated within the construction of an experience of belonging to neighbourhood-based community through consumption practices and the public and quasi-public spaces that frame them. The key question of this thesis is how do an individual’s consumption practices work to construct an imagined presence of neighbourhood-based community? Given the focus on public and quasi-public spaces and our experiences within them, the research also asked how do experiences in the public and quasi-public spaces that frame these practices contribute to the construction of this imagined presence? This investigation of imagining community through consumption practices is based on my own experiences of moving to, and attempting to construct community connections within, an inner city neighbourhood in Melbourne, Australia. To do so, I adopted autoethnographic methodology. This is because autoethnography provides the methodological tools through which one can explore and make visible the subjectivities inherent within the lived experiences of interest to the thesis (Ellis, 2004). I describe imagining community through consumption as an extension of a placebased self. This self is manifest through personal identification in consumption spaces that operate as anchoring realms for specific cultural groups, as well as through a broader imagining of spaces, people, and practices as connected through experiences within realms of exposure. However, this is a process that oscillates through cycles of identification; these anchor one within place personally, but also disrupt those attachments. This instability can force one to question the orientation and motives of these imaginings, and reframe them according to different spaces and reference groups in ways that can also work to construct a more anonymous and, conversely, more achievable collective identification. All the while, the ‘I’ at the heart of this identification is in an ongoing process of negotiation, and similarly, the imagined community is never complete. That is, imagining community is a negotiation, with people and spaces – but mostly with the different identifications of the self. This thesis has been undertaken by publication, and thus the process of imagining community is explored and described through four papers. Of these, the first two focus on specific types of consumption spaces – a bar and a shopping centre – and consider the ways that anchoring and exposure within these spaces support the process of imagining community. The third paper examines the ways that the public and quasi-public spaces that make up the broader neighbourhood context are themselves throwntogether as a realm of exposure, and considers the ways this shapes my imaginings of this neighbourhood as community. The final paper develops a theory of imagined community, as a process of comparison and contrast with imagined others, to provide a summative conceptualisation of the first three papers. The first paper, chapter five, explores this process of comparison and contrast in relation to authenticity, which in itself is a subjective assessment of identity. This chapter was written as a direct response to the recent work of Zukin (2010), and draws on theories of authenticity as applied to personal and collective identification practices by consumer researchers Arnould and Price (2000). In this chapter, I describe how my assessments of the authenticity of my anchoring experiences within one specific consumption space, a neighbourhood bar, are evaluated in comparison to my observations of and affective reactions to the social practices of another group of residents in a different consumption space, the local shopping centre. Chapter five also provides an overview of the key sites and experiences that are considered in more detail in the following two chapters. In chapter six, I again draw on my experiences within the bar introduced in chapter five, this time to explore the process of developing a regular identity within a specific consumption space. Addressing the popular theory of the cafe or bar as third place (Oldenburg, 1999), this paper considers the purpose of developing anchored relationships with people within specific consumption spaces, and explores the different ways this may be achieved in an urban context where the mobilities and lifestyle practices of residents complicate the idea of a consumption space as an anchoring or third place. In doing so, this chapter also considers the manner in which this type of regular identification may be seen to be the beginning of the process of imagining community. In chapter seven, I consider the ways the broader public spaces of the neighbourhood work cumulatively to expose different aspects of its identity by following my everyday movements through the neighbourhood’s shopping centre and main street. Drawing on the theories of Urry (2000), Massey (2005), and Amin (2007, 2008), this chapter describes how these spaces operate as exposure realms, enabling the expression of different senses of the neighbourhood’s spaces, times, cultures, and identities through their physical, social, and symbolic elements. Yet they also enable them to be united: through habitual pathways, group practices of appropriation of space, and memory traces that construct connections between objects and experiences. This chapter describes this as a process of exposure to these different elements. Our imagination begins to expand the scope of the frames onto which it projects an imagined presence; it searches for patterns within the physical, social, and symbolic environment and draws connections between people and practices across spaces. As the final paper, chapter eight, deduces, it is in making these connections that one constructs the objects and shared practices of imagined community. This chapter describes this as an imagining of neighbourhood as a place-based extension of the self, and then explores the ways in which I drew on physical, social, and symbolic elements in an attempt to construct a fit between the neighbourhood’s offerings and my desires for place-based identity definition. This was as a cumulative but fragmented process, in which positive and negative experiences of interaction and identification with people and things were searched for their potential to operate as the objects and shared practices of imagined community. This chapter describes these connections as constructed through interplay between reflexivity and fantasy, as the imagination seeks balance between desires for experiences of belonging, and the complexities of constructing them within the throwntogether context of the contemporary city. The conclusion of the thesis describes the process of imagining community as a reflexive fantasy, that is, as a product of both the critical and fascinated consciousness (Ricoeur, 1994). It suggests that the fascinated consciousness imbues experiences with hope and desire, which the reflexive imagining can turn to disappointment and shame as it critically reflects on the reality of those fascinated projections. At the same time, the reflexive imagination also searches the practices of others for affirmation of those projections, effectively seeking to prove the reality of the fantasy of the imagined community.
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A travel article about Nova Scotia, and the area's annual Celtic music festival. I ARRIVED in Cape Breton on the occasion of the Fibre Festival, run not only by the South Haven Guild of Weavers but also the Baddeck Quilters Guild. And yet I might not have noticed that it was on, had it not been for a car, shrouded entirely by a quilt cover, that was parked outside the Volunteer Fire Department Hall. I was on my way to the Alexander Graham Bell Museum a little further along Baddeck's main street. But I stopped, for who wouldn't stop to look at the various fibres of Cape Breton. The hall had been divided between weavers and quilters. Naturally, I left hoping that one day this ancient divide might be healed...
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"It came without warning and, within minutes, the sea of murky brown water that swept through the main street of Toowoomba was gone."
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In an Australian context, the term hooning refers to risky driving behaviours such as illegal street racing and speed trials, as well as behaviours that involve unnecessary noise and smoke, which include burn outs, donuts, fish tails, drifting and other skids. Hooning receives considerable negative media attention in Australia, and since the 1990s all Australian jurisdictions have implemented vehicle impoundment programs to deal with the problem. However, there is limited objective evidence of the road safety risk associated with hooning behaviours. Attempts to estimate the risk associated with hooning are limited by official data collection and storage practices, and the willingness of drivers to admit to their illegal behaviour in the event of a crash. International evidence suggests that illegal street racing is associated with only a small proportion of fatal crashes; however, hooning in an Australian context encompasses a broader group of driving behaviours than illegal street racing alone, and it is possible that the road safety risks will differ with these behaviours. There is evidence from North American jurisdictions that vehicle impoundment programs are effective for managing drink driving offenders, and drivers who continue to drive while disqualified or suspended both during and post-impoundment. However, these programs used impoundment periods of 30 – 180 days (depending on the number of previous offences). In Queensland the penalty for a first hooning offence is 48 hours, while the vehicle can be impounded for up to 3 months for a second offence, or permanently for a third or subsequent offence within three years. Thus, it remains unclear whether similar effects will be seen for hooning offenders in Australia, as no evaluations of vehicle impoundment programs for hooning have been published. To address these research needs, this program of research consisted of three complementary studies designed to: (1) investigate the road safety implications of hooning behaviours in terms of the risks associated with the specific behaviours, and the drivers who engage in these behaviours; and (2) assess the effectiveness of current approaches to dealing with the problem; in order to (3) inform policy and practice in the area of hooning behaviour. Study 1 involved qualitative (N = 22) and quantitative (N = 290) research with drivers who admitted engaging in hooning behaviours on Queensland roads. Study 2 involved a systematic profile of a large sample of drivers (N = 834) detected and punished for a hooning offence in Queensland, and a comparison of their driving and crash histories with a randomly sampled group of Queensland drivers with the same gender and age distribution. Study 3 examined the post-impoundment driving behaviour of hooning offenders (N = 610) to examine the effects of vehicle impoundment on driving behaviour. The theoretical framework used to guide the research incorporated expanded deterrence theory, social learning theory, and driver thrill-seeking perspectives. This framework was used to explore factors contributing to hooning behaviours, and interpret the results of the aspects of the research designed to explore the effectiveness of vehicle impoundment as a countermeasure for hooning. Variables from each of the perspectives were related to hooning measures, highlighting the complexity of the behaviour. This research found that the road safety risk of hooning behaviours appears low, as only a small proportion of the hooning offences in Study 2 resulted in a crash. However, Study 1 found that hooning-related crashes are less likely to be reported than general crashes, particularly when they do not involve an injury, and that higher frequencies of hooning behaviours are associated with hooning-related crash involvement. Further, approximately one fifth of drivers in Study 1 reported being involved in a hooning-related crash in the previous three years, which is comparable to general crash involvement among the general population of drivers in Queensland. Given that hooning-related crashes represented only a sub-set of crash involvement for this sample, this suggests that there are risks associated with hooning behaviour that are not apparent in official data sources. Further, the main evidence of risk associated with the behaviour appears to relate to the hooning driver, as Study 2 found that these drivers are likely to engage in other risky driving behaviours (particularly speeding and driving vehicles with defects or illegal modifications), and have significantly more traffic infringements, licence sanctions and crashes than drivers of a similar (i.e., young) age. Self-report data from the Study 1 samples indicated that Queensland’s vehicle impoundment and forfeiture laws are perceived as severe, and that many drivers have reduced their hooning behaviour to avoid detection. However, it appears that it is more common for drivers to have simply changed the location of their hooning behaviour to avoid detection. When the post-impoundment driving behaviour of the sample of hooning offenders was compared to their pre-impoundment behaviour to examine the effectiveness of vehicle impoundment in Study 3, it was found that there was a small but significant reduction in hooning offences, and also for other traffic infringements generally. As Study 3 was observational, it was not possible to control for extraneous variables, and is, therefore, possible that some of this reduction was due to other factors, such as a reduction in driving exposure, the effects of changes to Queensland’s Graduated Driver Licensing scheme that were implemented during the study period and affected many drivers in the offender sample due to their age, or the extension of vehicle impoundment to other types of offences in Queensland during the post-impoundment period. However, there was a protective effect observed, in that hooning offenders did not show the increase in traffic infringements in the post period that occurred within the comparison sample. This suggests that there may be some effect of vehicle impoundment on the driving behaviour of hooning offenders, and that this effect is not limited to their hooning driving behaviour. To be more confident in these results, it is necessary to measure driving exposure during the post periods to control for issues such as offenders being denied access to vehicles. While it was not the primary aim of this program of research to compare the utility of different theoretical perspectives, the findings of the research have a number of theoretical implications. For example, it was found that only some of the deterrence variables were related to hooning behaviours, and sometimes in the opposite direction to predictions. Further, social learning theory variables had stronger associations with hooning. These results suggest that a purely legal approach to understanding hooning behaviours, and designing and implementing countermeasures designed to reduce these behaviours, are unlikely to be successful. This research also had implications for policy and practice, and a number of recommendations were made throughout the thesis to improve the quality of relevant data collection practices. Some of these changes have already occurred since the expansion of the application of vehicle impoundment programs to other offences in Queensland. It was also recommended that the operational and resource costs of these laws should be compared to the road safety benefits in ongoing evaluations of effectiveness to ensure that finite traffic policing resources are allocated in a way that produces maximum road safety benefits. However, as the evidence of risk associated with the hooning driver is more compelling than that associated with hooning behaviour, it was argued that the hooning driver may represent the better target for intervention. Suggestions for future research include ongoing evaluations of the effectiveness of vehicle impoundment programs for hooning and other high-risk driving behaviours, and the exploration of additional potential targets for intervention to reduce hooning behaviour. As the body of knowledge regarding the factors contributing to hooning increases, along with the identification of potential barriers to the effectiveness of current countermeasures, recommendations for changes in policy and practice for hooning behaviours can be made.
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When arranging a place to meet in Brisbane, it has become almost second nature to say, “I’ll meet you outside Hungry Jack’s,” which is located in Queen Street Mall. In Melbourne, the common saying is, “I’ll meet you under the clocks,” which refers to the row of clocks above the main entrance to Flinders Street Railway Station. The saying “I’ll meet you under the clocks” is loaded with memory and history for most Melbournians—from WWII farewells to after school meetings. The clocks, and the station, have become part of the symbolic culture of the city. A feature of these two sites is the diversity of people who arrange to meet there, ranging from business people, tourists, teenagers, lovers, families to local schoolchildren. These two spaces cross boundaries of exclusion and enable people to feel as though they belong the city. While it seems appropriate for people to arrange to meet at a railway station, it is interesting that many people who meet at Flinders Street Station do not travel by train to arrive there: some walk; some take the tram and then walk; others arrive by bus. Similarly, most of the many people who arrange to meet outside Hungry Jack’s in Brisbane do not intend to enter the store...
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By 2012 mobile devices had become the main interface for people to access information about anything from their current GPS position to the latest book reviews. What was less accessible were tools and techniques for writers to leverage this new technology to construct and distribute located stories. This project began with a series of master classes for local Brisbane writers to demonstrate processes and techniques for imagining, constructing and distributing stories. Most significantly, this project equipped writers with how to identify and adopt various mobile services and applications to research, produce and deliver packaged multi-modal content for readers to access and experience stories in the very locations from which they were inspired. Four stories by four writers were selected to be developed and published as location-based events in four different neighbourhoods across Brisbane. These writers were mentored throughout the writing process and a model was developed for them to simply upload several multi-modal chapters for access on location by readers using QR codes. These activities culminated in a major 25 day event presented by Brisbane City Council and supported by Brisbane Writers Festival and Queensland Writers Centre. The 'Street Reads' event presented the four stories on location in Cannon Hill, Darra, Toowong and West End. The significance of the Street Reads project went beyond extending the capacity for writers to access mobile technologies as a new platform for distributing stories. This event also motivated readers to travel to neighbourhoods to experience them in ways that had not previously imagined possible. These located stories were fictionalisations of actual events and characters that have current and historic importance to these places. These histories are hidden from view and yet can provide locals and visitors with a new found appreciation for the past and set an example for how neighbourhoods can become active stages for the sharing of stories inspiring a deeper connection with each other and an agency for participating in the development of the identity of the local places they inhabit together. Due to the success of the project and by employing more advanced tools now available, Street reads has been further developed by Brisbane City Council and is now available as a the Story City App available for download at itunes.
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Practitioners and academics have developed numerous maturity models for many domains in order to measure competency. These initiatives have often been influenced by the Capability Maturity Model. However, an accumulative effort has not been made to generalize the phases of developing a maturity model in any domain. This paper proposes such a methodology and outlines the main phases of generic model development. The proposed methodology is illustrated with the help of examples from two advanced maturity models in the domains of Business Process Management and Knowledge Management.