En förutbestämd sanning : Barnamord och delaktighet i 1700-talets Finland belysta genom kön, kropp och social kontroll

The study analyses the prevention or endorsing of the crime of infanticide in Finland 1702 1807, rather than the result. Also the impacts of the female body, biology of childbirth and experiences of pregnancy are examined, together with insights from modern medical research. Circumstances are reconstructed by a critical reading of judicial records on all levels of the judicial system. In all 269 cases of infanticide and 142 accessory crimes within the jurisdiction of the Turku court of appeal are studied, with particular focus on exceptionally well recorded cases of 83 accused women and 41 women and men accused of being party to the crime. Secondary sources are medical and jurisprudential writings, the public debate on infanticide, broadsheets and letters asking the King for pardon. Infanticide was considered murder by law. Unmarried women were predetermined as the main culprits. Nevertheless, deliberate infanticides were rare and committed mostly in accomplice. The majority of the infanticides studied were cases where inexperienced and unmarried women accidentally had given birth alone and usually to a dead child. Unaware that the pain they were experiencing was in fact a labour, the accused women instinctively sought solitude to push out the child. Some misunderstood the birth as an urgent need to defecate. The unexpected delivery ended in hiding the baby without remorse. This crime was promoted by several factors in Finnish rural culture, amongst others that also married women hid their pregnancy. The immediate household members did not necessarily know about the childbirth and failed to help the woman. This typical pattern in most cases of infanticide in 18th century Finland is also recorded in modern cases of unknown pregnancies. Fear of accountability prevented witnesses testifying to the actual course of events. The truth remained elusive. With only a few exceptions, the women were sentenced to death or imprisonment. The majority of those accused of accomplice were acquitted. However, too harsh sentences for accidents affected the reporting of the crime. Criminal politics failed to curtail infanticide as the crime was unsatisfactorily addressed by law, society and the judicial system.

Kansallisvaltion teräsmiehestä valtakunnan sovittelijaksi : Poliisikulttuurin psykohistorialliset solmukohdat 1930-1997

From Steely Nation-State Superman to Conciliator of Economical Global Empire – A Psychohistory of Finnish Police Culture 1930-1997 My study concerns the way police culture has changed within the societal changes in Finnish society between 1930 and 1997. The method of my study was psycho-historical and post-structural analysis. The research was conducted by examining the psycho-historical plateaus traceable within Finnish police culture. I made a social diagnosis of the autopoietic relationship between the power-holders of Finnish society and the police (at various levels of hierarchical organization). According to police researcher John P. Crank, police culture should be understood as the cognitive processes behind the actions of the police. Among these processes are the values, beliefs, rituals, customs and advice which standardize their work and the common sense of policemen. According to Crank, police culture is defined by a mindset which thinks, judges and acts according to its evaluations filtered by its own preliminary comprehension. Police culture consists of all the unsaid assumptions of being a policeman, the organizational structures of police, official policies, unofficial ways of behaviour, forms of arrest, procedures of practice and different kinds of training habits, attitudes towards suspects and citizens, and also possible corruption. Police culture channels its members’ feelings and emotions. Crank says that police culture can be seen in how policemen express their feelings. He advises police researchers to ask themselves how it feels to be a member of the police. Ethos has been described as a communal frame for thought that guides one’s actions. According to sociologist Martti Grönfors, the Finnish mentality of the Protestant ethic is accentuated among Finnish policemen. The concept of ethos expresses very well the self-made mentality as an ethical tension which prevails in police work between communal belonging and individual freedom of choice. However, it is significant that it is a matter of the quality of relationships, and that the relationship is always tied to the context of the cultural history of dealing with one’s anxiety. According to criminologist Clifford Shearing, the values of police culture act as subterranean processes of the maintenance of social power in society. Policemen have been called microcosmic mediators, or street corner politicians. Robert Reiner argues that at the level of self-comprehension, policemen disparage the dimension of politics in their work. Reiner points out that all relationships which hold a dimension of power are political. Police culture has also been called a canteen culture. This idea expresses the day-to-day basis of the mentality of taking care of business which policing produces as a necessity for dealing with everyday hardships. According to police researcher Timo Korander, this figurative expression embodies the nature of police culture as a crew culture which is partly hidden from police chiefs who are at a different level. This multitude of standpoints depicts the diversity of police cultures. According to Reiner, one should not see police culture as one monolithic whole; instead one should assess it as the interplay of individuals negotiating with their environment and societal power networks. The cases analyzed formed different plateaus of study. The first plateau was the so-called ‘Rovaniemi arson’ case in the summer of 1930. The second plateau consisted of the examinations of alleged police assaults towards the Communists during the Finnish Continuation War of 1941 to 1944 and the threats that societal change after the war posed to Finnish Society. The third plateau was thematic. Here I investigated how using force towards police clients has changed culturally from the 1930s to the 1980s. The fourth plateau concerned with the material produced by the Security Police detectives traced the interaction between Soviet KGB agents and Finnish politicians during the long 1970s. The fifth plateau of larger changes in Finnish police culture then occurred during the 1980s as an aftermath of the former decade. The last, sixth plateau of changing relationships between policing and the national logic of action can be seen in the murder of two policemen in the autumn of 1997. My study shows that police culture has transformed from a “stone cold” steely fixed identity towards a more relational identity that tries to solve problems by negotiating with clients instead of using excessive force. However, in this process of change there is a traceable paradox in Finnish policing and police culture. On the one hand, policemen have, at the practical level, constructed their policing identity by protecting their inner self in their organizational role at work against the projections of anger and fear in society. On the other hand, however, they have had to safeguard themselves at the emotional level against the predominance of this same organizational role. Because of this dilemma they must simultaneously construct both a distance from their own role as police officers and the role of the police itself. This makes the task of policing susceptible to the political pressures of society. In an era of globalization, and after the heyday of the welfare state, this can produce heightened challenges for Finnish police culture.

Kummisetien katolinen kirkko : Kummisetä-trilogian ja Sopranos-televisiosarjan välittämä kuva roomalaiskatolisesta kirkosta

Tässä tutkielmassa tutkin millaisen kuvan Francis Ford Coppolan ohjaamat kolme Kummisetä-elokuvaa ja David Chasen luoman Sopranos-televisiosarjan kaksi ensimmäistä tuotantokautta antavat roomalaiskatolisesta kirkosta ja erityisesti Amerikassa toimivasta roomalaiskatolisesta kirkosta. Kummisetä-elokuvat valmistuivat vuosina 1972, 1974 ja 1990, Sopranos-sarjan kaksi ensimmäistä tuotantokautta taas esitettiin HBO-kanavalla ensimmäisen kerran vuosina 1999 ja 2000. Lähteet kattavat Amerikan katolisen kirkon historian 1900-luvun alusta aina 2000-luvun alkuun asti. Pyrin vastaamaan tutkielmassani siihen, millaisena lähteet kuvaavat katolisen ja onko kuvaukselle löydettävissä jotain syitä. Kummisetä-elokuvien kohdalla on paradoksaalista se, että ne kaikki kuvaavat menneisyyden eivätkä tekohetkensä tapahtumia, mikä mahdollisesti näkyy myös niiden tavassa kuvata katolista kirkkoa. Vaikuttaisi siltä, että varsinkin kahden ensimmäisen Kummisetä-elokuvan tapa kuvata Amerikan katolista kirkkoa pohjautuu pitkälti elokuvan tekohetken tunnelmiin. Elokuvien ohjaaja Francis Ford Coppola on myöntänyt käyttäneensä Kummisetä-elokuvien päähenkilöinä olevaa Corleone-perhettä Amerikan vertauskuvana. Elokuvien yksi kattava teema on eräänlainen maallistumiskehitys, jossa vanhan polven edustajan, don Vito Corleonen, arvot syrjäytyvät ja tilalle nousee uusi johtajapolvi Viton nuorimman pojan don Michael Corleonen hahmossa. Michael Corleone edustaa huomattavasti armottomampaa polvea kuin Vito eikä uskonto ja katolinen kirkko näy hänen elämässään juuri lainkaan. Michaelin kyyninen ja kylmäkin hahmo on mitä todennäköisemmin vertauskuva elokuvien tekohetken yleisistä tunnelmia, jolloin Watergate-skandaali kansallisella tasolla ja Vatikaanin II konsiili ja paavin kiertokirje Humanae Vitae muokkasivat rajusti perinteisen katolisuuden ja amerikkalaisuuden identiteettiä. Kolmas Kummisetä-elokuva käsittelee lähes kokonaan paavi Johannes Paavali I:n lyhyeksi jäänyttä paaviuskautta vuodelta 1978 osittain fiktioin keinoin. Elokuvan yhtäläisyydet rikoskirjailija David Yallopin menestyskirjaan In Gods Name. An Investigation into the Murder of Pope John Paul I, jossa kirjailija esittää paavin tulleen kuurian virkamiesten ja mafiosoiden murhaamaksi, ovat selkeät. Kirkosta luodaan kuva toisaalta armottomona valtakoneistona, mutta toisaalta myös hengellisenä yhteisönä, josta katuvan ihmisen on mahdollisuus löytää apua. Sopranos-televisiosarja jatkaa kahdella ensimmäisellä tuotantokaudellaan saman maallistumiskehityksen kulkua kuin kaksi ensimmäistä Kummisetä-elokuvaakin. Päähenkilö Tony Soprano perheineen on lähes täysin irrallaan katolisesta perinteestä eivätkä he enää tunne sen oppejakaan kunnolla. Silti he mieltävät itsensä katolilaisiksi. Tämä vastaa joiltain osin tutkimustuloksia todellisista amerikkalaisista katolilaisista. Kaiken kaikkiaan Kummisetä-elokuvatrilogia ja Sopranos-televisiosarja antavat katolisesta kirkosta hyvin monipuolisen ja joissain asioissa totuudenmukaisenkin kuvan, joskin tekijöiden oma henkilöhistoria ja ajan skandaalit ovat väistämättä värittäneet kirkkokuvausta. Siten ne muodostavat värikkään läpileikkauksen Amerikan katolisen kirkon kehityksestä amerikanitalialaisessa yhteisössä 1900-luvun alusta 2000-luvun alkuun.

Itämafia : Uhkakuvapolitiikka, rikosilmiöt ja kulttuuriset merkitykset

The Eastern Mafia Threat policy, crime phenomena, and cultural meanings An interdisciplinary research on the crime phenomena and the threat policy relating to the organized crime and the mafia of Russia and Estonia is based on 151 expert interviews, statistics, documents, research literature, and press material. The main part of the material consists of interviews of the Finnish, Estonian and Russian police authorities specialized in the problem of organized crime, and the reports on the crime situation drawn up in the Finnish diplomatic representations in Tallinn and St Petersburg. The interviews have been gathered in the years 1996-2001. The main theoretical tools of the research are constructivist research on social problems, and political psychology. Definitional processes of social problems and cultural semantic structures behind them are identified in the analysis and connected to the analysis of the crime cases. Both in the Anglo-American and Russian cultural frames there appears an inflated and exaggerated talk, according to which the mafia rules everything in Russia and is spreading everywhere. There is the traditional anti-Semitic paranoia in the core of this cultural symbiosis produced by Russian legal nihilism, the theory of totalitarianism of Sovietology, and the inertia of Russian anti-capitalism. To equate the Sicilian Mafia with Russia is an anachronism, since no empirical proof of systematic uncontrolled violence or absolute power vacuum in Russia can be found. In the Anglo-American policy of threat images, "the Russian mafia" was seen as a commodified conspiracy theory, which the police, the media, and the research took advantage of, blurring the line between fact and fiction. In Finland, the evolution of the policy of threat images proceeded in three phases: Initially, extensive rolling of refugees and criminals from Russia to Finland was emphasized in the beginning of the 1990's. In the second phase, the eastern mafia was said to infiltrate all over Finnish society and administration. Finland was, however, found immune to this kind of spreading. In the third phase, in the 21st century, the organized crime of Finland was said to be lead from abroad. In Finland, the policy of threat images was especially canalised to moral panics connected to "eastern prostitution". In Estonia, the policy of threat images emphasized the crime organized by the Russian authorities and politicians in order to weaken Estonia. In Russia, the policy of threat images emphasized the total criminalizing of society caused by criminal capitalism. In every country, the policy of threat images was affected by a so-called large-group identity, a term by Vamik Volkan, in which a so-called chosen trauma caused a political paranoia of an outer and inner danger. In Finland, procuring, car theft, and narcotics crimes were at their widest arranged by the Finnish often with the help of the Estonians. The Russians had no influence in the most serious violent crimes in Finland, although the number of assassinations were at least 5, 000 in Russia in the 1990's. In Russia, the assassinations were on one hand connected to marital problems, on the other hand to the pursuit of public attention and a hoped-for effect by the aid of the murder of an influential person. In the white-collar crime phenomena between Finland and Russia, the Finnish state and Finnish corporations gained remarkable benefit of the frauds aimed at the states of the Soviet Union and Russia in 1980's-21st century. The situation of Estonia was very difficult compared to that of Russia in the 1990's, which was manifested in the stagnation of the Estonian police and judicial authorities, the crimes of the police and the voluntary paramilitary organization, bomb explosions, the rebellion called "the jaeger crisis" in the voluntary paramilitary organization, and the "blood autumn" of Eastern Virumaa, in other words terror. The situation of Estonia had a powerful effect on the crime situation of Finland and on the security of the Finnish diplomats. In the continuum of the Finnish policy of threat images, Russia and the Russians were, however, presented as a source of a marked danger.