Growing Flowers in the Frost: Civic Activity, Citizenship and Gender in Russia

This study analyzes civic activity, citizenship and their gendered manifestations in contemporary Russia. It is based on a case study conducted in the city of Tver , located in the vicinity of Moscow, during 2001-2005. The data consists of interviews with civic activists and municipal and regional authorities; observations of civic organizations; and a quantitative survey conducted among local civic groups. The theoretical and methodological framework of the study draws upon a micro perspective on organization, discourse analysis, gender and citizenship theories and Pierre Bourdieu s theory of fields and capital. This study develops theoretical understanding of the characteristics and logic of civic organization in Russia. It shows that social class centrally structures the field of civic activity. Organizations can be seen as a vehicle of the educated class to advocate their interests, help themselves and seek both social and individual-level change. The study also argues that civic organizations founded during the post-Soviet era are often an institutionalized form of informal social networks. Networks, which were a central element of everyday interaction in Soviet society, are a resource and often the only resource available that can be made use of in contemporary organizational activities. The study argues that gender operates as a key structuring principle in the Russian socio-political community. Civic activity is often discursively associated with femininity and institutional politics with masculinity. Women tend to participate more than men in civic organizations, while men dominate the formal political domain. The study shows that civic organizations are important loci of communality. This communality, however, differs from the communality envisioned in the communitarian and social capital debates in the West. It is selective communality , as it is restricted to the members of the organizations and does not create generalized reciprocity and trust. Civic organizations tend to build upon and reproduce the traditional Russian organizational form of circles , kruzhki. Along with the analysis of civic activities, the study also examines the redefinition of the role and functions of the state. The authorities interviewed in this study understand civic organizations as serving those goals and interests determined by the authorities, instead of viewing them as sites of citizens self-organization around interests and problems citizens themselves deem important, or as a counterforce to the state. By contrast, civic activists understand the core of organizational activity to be advocacy of their interests and rights, tackling social problems, the pursuit of wider social change and self-help. Co-operation between authorities and organizations tends to be personified and based upon unequal, hierarchical patron-client arrangements, which inhibits the development of democratic governance. The study will be published in Routledge Contemporary Russia and Eastern Europe Series later this year.

The Significance of Gender in the Prevalence, Forms and Perceptions of Workplace Bullying

Workplace bullying has been shown to have severe negative consequences for both the victims and organisations concerned. Thus, the aim of this paper is to further understanding of workplace bullying by in particular exploring the significance of gender in this phenomenon. The focus is on the prevalence, forms and perceptions of bullying, and the extent to which these interactions and perceptions can be understood as gendered. The aim of the paper is twofold: firstly, to describe gender differences in bullying in the male-dominated business world, and, secondly, to explain these differences by discussing how gender is linked to bullying and victimisation. It is argued that the higher prevalence rates reported by women can be seen as the result of an interaction between higher actual exposure rates to negative behaviours, lower perceived possibilities to defend themselves, and less reluctance to classify negative experiences as bullying, which all are mediated by perceptions of power.

Managing in the “Golden Cage” An Ethnographic Study of Work, Management and Gender in Parliamentary Administration

Parliaments are political institutions, but they are also places where people work; the MPs and the people who are employed there work, albeit in rather different ways. In this research the focus is on those in a Parliament who work there as employees and managers, and thereby, in some senses, run the organisation. Accordingly, this involves seeing the Parliament as a working environment, for MPs and employees, for men and women. The institution of Parliament is thus here examined by looking at it from a different and new angle. Instead of the usual focus on politicians the focus is on the administration of this institution. The aim is, amongst other things, to increase knowledge and offer different perspectives on democracy and democratic institutions. Unpacking the nearly mythical institution into smaller, more digestible, graspable realities should at the very least help to remind the wider society that although nations, to a certain extent, do need national institutions they should not become mystified or seen as larger than life. Institutions should work on behalf of people and thus be accountable to these same people. The main contribution of this work is to explore and problematise how managing and working is done inside an institution that both largely fulfils the characteristics of a bureaucracy and yet also has added special features that seem to be rather far removed from clear bureaucratic structures. This research offers a new kind of information on working life inside this elite institution. The joys and the struggles of working and managing in this particular public sector organisation are illustrated here and offer a view, a glimpse, into the experiences of managing and working in this House.

Morality and Gender in Jeff Lindsay's Dexter Novels

Tutkimuksessa analysoin neljää Jeff Lindsayn Dexter -dekkaria kahdesta eri näkökulmasta. Ensimmäinen osa keskittyy päähenkilön sosiopaattisen persoonan aiheuttamiin moraalisiin ristiriitoihin, sillä hän on sekä sarjamurhaaja että työskentelee poliisin laboratoriossa silti noudattaen erittäin tiukkaa moraalista ohjenuoraa, joka määrittää kenet hän saa tappaa. Tutkimuksen toinen osa tarkastelee kirjojen naishahmoja ja heidän ongelmiaan. Käsittelen lyhyesti myös kirjasarjan ja niiden pohjalta tehdyn televisiosarjan eroja. Metodeina käytän lähiluentaa, eettistä analyysiä sekä rikoskirjallisuuden alalajien vertailua. Vaikkei rikoskirjallisuudessa olekaan yleistä, että poliisi tai tutkija olisi siviilissä rikollinen, on Dexter hyvin tyypillinen fiktiivinen sosiopaatti ja sarjamurhaaja. Lindsayn kirjojen juonet ja Dexter päähenkilönä noudattavat paikoin lähes kirjaimellisesti Thomas Harrisin Hannibal Lecterille luomaa kaavaa. Kirjojen moraaliset ristiriidat taas aiheutuvat sekä Dexterin roolista lainvartijana ja -rikkojana että hänen noudattamastaan tiukasta moraalisesta ohjenuorasta, joka määrittää kenet saa tappaa. Sosiopaattina hänen pitäisi olla kaikkien yhteiskunnan asettamien lakien ja rajoitusten tavoittamattomissa, mutta silti hänen päätöksentekonsa perustuu täysin kasvatti-isänsä laatimiin ohjeisiin. Tämä on yksi Dexterin hahmon suurimmista ristiriitaisuuksista, joka vahvistaa Heta Pyrhösen esittämän ajatuksen siitä, ettei rikoskirjallisuus tule toimeen ilman vahvaa moraalista selkärankaa. Dexterin tiukka moraalinen ohjenuora ja lukijoiden samaistuminen päähenkilöön ovat kuitenkin todennäköisin syy hänen selviytymiseensä kirjasta toiseen, ja sarjan myötä Dexter muuttuukin inhimillisemmäksi kuin alussa. Toisaalta naishahmojen ongelmien havaitseminen on vaikeaa, sillä ensivaikutelman perusteella voisi kuvitella, että Lindsayn kuvaama yhteiskunta on jo ratkaissut kaikki tasa-arvo-ongelmansa. Sukupuolten ja kansanryhmien välisestä tasa-arvosta ei kirjoissa keskustella, mutta merkittäviä naishahmoja on silti huomattavan vähän, eikä heistäkään ole rakennettu yhtä johdonmukaisia ja mielenkiintoisia kuin päähenkilöstä esimerkiksi. He jäävät pitkälti Dexterin varjoon. Edes Dexterin sisko Deborah ei pysty säilyttämään osaansa kirjojen naispäähenkilönä, sillä hänen ammattitaitoaan poliisina ja olemustaan naisena kuvataan jatkuvan ristiriitaisesti. Kaksi seuraavaksi tärkeintä naishahmoa ovat Dexterin tyttöystävä Rita, joka toimii äitiyden ruumiillistumana, sekä hänen tyttärensä Astor, joka on veljensä ohella samanlainen sosiopaatti kuin Dexter. Naissarjamurhaajien puute ja naishahmojen epäjohdonmukainen kuvaus ovat yksi Lindsayn kirjojen suurimmista ongelmista. Analyysin keskeisimmät johtopäätökset paljastavat, miten omaperäisyydestään huolimatta Dexter muistuttaa huomattavasti muita tunnettuja fiktiivisiä sarjamurhaajia, ja miten Lindsay pohjaa tekstinsä amerikkalaiseen arvomaailmaan ja rikoskirjallisuuden alalajien konventioihin. Vaikka suurin osa lukijoista pystyykin käsittelemään Dexterin tekojen moraalisia ristiriitoja, voi sarjamurhaajan ihannointi aiheuttaa toisille ongelmia. Toisaalta luomalla monipuolisia ja johdonmukaisia naishahmoja, jotka pystyisivät säilyttämään itsenäisyytensä kaikissa tilanteissa, Lindsayn kirjat olisivat sekä ajankohtaisempia että omaperäisempiä kuin nyt.

Gender, Politics and Democratisation in Cameroon

Gender perceptions, religious belief systems, and political thought have excluded women from politics, for ages, around the world. Combining feminist and modernisation theorists in my theoretical framework, I examine the trends in patriarchal Europe and I highlight the gender-sensitive model of the Nordic countries. Retracing local gender patterns from precolonial to postcolonial eras in sub-Saharan Africa, I explore the links between perceptions, needs, resources, education and women's political participation in Cameroon. Democratisation is supposed to open up political participation, to grant equal opportunities to all adults. One ironic feature of the liberalisation process in Cameroon has been the decrease of women in parliamentarian representation (14% in 1988, 6% in 1992, 5% in 1997 and 10% in 2002). What social, cultural and institutional mechanisms produced this paradoxical outcome, the exclusion of half the population? The gender complementarity of the indigenous context has been lost to male prevalence privileged by education, church, law, employment, economy and politics in the public sphere; most women are marginalised in the private sphere. Nation building and development have failed; ethnicism and individualism are growing. Some hope lies in the growing civil society. From two surveys and 21 focus groups across Cameroon, in 2000 and 2002, some significant results of the processed empirical data reveal low electoral registration (34.5% women and 65.9% men), contrasted by the willingness to run for municipal elections (33.3 % women and 45.2% men). The co-existence of customary and statutory laws, the corrupt political system and fraudulent practices, contribute to the marginalisation of women and men who are interested in politics. A large majority of female respondents consider female politicians more trustworthy and capable than their male counterparts; they even foresee the appointment of a female Prime Minister. The Nordic countries have institutionalised gender equality in their legislation, policies and practices. France has improved women's political inclusion with the parity laws; Rwanda is another model of women's representation, thanks to its post-conflict constitution. From my analysis, Cameroonian institutions, men and more so women, may learn and borrow from these experiences, in order to design and implement a sustainable and gender-balanced democracy. Keywords: democratisation, politics, gender equality, feminism, citizenship, Cameroon, Nordic countries, Finland, France, United Kingdom, quotas, societal social psychology.

Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights : A comparative analysis of the conceptual relationship between democracy and rights in contemporary political theories

Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights is a research in normative political theory, based on comparative analysis of contemporary democratic theories, classified roughly as conventional liberal, deliberative democratic and radical democratic. Its focus is on the conceptual relationship between alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: democratic inclusion and liberal rights. The relationship between rights and democracy is studied through the following questions: are rights to be seen as external constraints to democracy or as objects of democratic decision making processes? Are individual rights threatened by public participation in politics; do constitutionally protected rights limit the inclusiveness of democratic processes? Are liberal values such as individuality, autonomy and liberty; and democratic values such as equality, inclusion and popular sovereignty mutually conflictual or supportive? Analyzing feminist critique of liberal discourse, the dissertation also raises the question about Enlightenment ideals in current political debates: are the universal norms of liberal democracy inherently dependent on the rationalist grand narratives of modernity and incompatible with the ideal of diversity? Part I of the thesis introduces the sources of democratic legitimacy as presented in the alternative democratic models. Part II analyses how the relationship between rights and democracy is theorized in them. Part III contains arguments by feminists and radical democrats against the tenets of universalist liberal democratic models and responds to that critique by partly endorsing, partly rejecting it. The central argument promoted in the thesis is that while the deconstruction of modern rationalism indicates that rights are political constructions as opposed to externally given moral constraints to politics, this insight does not delegitimize the politics of universal rights as an inherent part of democratic institutions. The research indicates that democracy and universal individual rights are mutually interdependent rather than oppositional; and that democracy is more dependent on an unconditional protection of universal individual rights when it is conceived as inclusive, participatory and plural; as opposed to robust majoritarian rule. The central concepts are: liberalism, democracy, legitimacy, deliberation, inclusion, equality, diversity, conflict, public sphere, rights, individualism, universalism and contextuality. The authors discussed are e.g. John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Young, Chantal Mouffe and Stephen Holmes. The research focuses on contemporary political theory, but the more classical work of John S. Mill, Benjamin Constant, Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt is also included.

Gender and National Identity Constructions in the Cross-Border Merger Context

In this article we explore ways in which vertical gender inequality is accomplished in discourse in the context of a recent chain of cross-border mergers and acquisitions that resulted in the formation of a multinational Nordic company. We analyse social interactions of ‘doing’ gender in interviews with male senior executives from Denmark, Finland and Sweden. We argue that their explanations for the absence of women in the top echelons of the company serve to distance vertical gender inequality. The main contribution of the article is an analysis of how national identities are discursively (re)constructed in such distancing. New insights are offered to studying gender in multinationals with a cross-cultural team of researchers. Our study sheds light on how gender intersects with nationality in shaping the multinational organization and the identities of male executives in globalizing business.

Workplace Bullying among Business Professionals - Prevalence, Organisational Antecedents and Gender Differences (summary section only)

Workplace bullying can be defined as repeated and persistent negative acts that involve a power imbalance and create a hostile work environment. Partly because of the many negative consequences associated with the phenomenon, bullying has recently become the focus of many studies by contemporary organisational researchers. Drawing on a survey, this thesis provides information on the prevalence and forms of bullying among business professionals, a group of employees neglected in previous bullying research. The thesis follows a tradition among Nordic researchers that emphasises the role of the psychosocial work environment in bullying. In particular, it illustrates how high internal competition and a high degree of organisational politics in business life may lead employees to use bullying as a tactic to gain benefits over their colleagues. Furthermore, it explores the significance of gender in bullying in male-dominated work environments, with women tending to be subjected to more negative acts, tending to feel less capable to defend themselves in these situations, and tending to feel less reluctant to classify these experiences as bullying. In addition to the introductory essay, this thesis consists of a book chapter and four articles. These five papers address particular aspects of workplace bullying: the prevalence and forms of bullying, the significance of gender in bullying, and organisational antecedents of bullying.

Gender and female entrepreneurship in a pro-entrepreneurship magazine

In this working paper I discuss gendered entrepreneurship by exploring how the media writes about female entrepreneurship. The starting point is that the media when talking and writing about female entrepreneurs and female entrepreneurship, mould meanings of gender in entrepreneurship. I view entrepreneurship and gender as socially constructed, discursive phenomena. To uncover the processes of constructing gender in female entrepreneurship this paper applies a discursive framework, which treats language as a representational system producing and circulating meaning. The focus on language use as action implies that practises of writing and talking about female entrepreneurship ‘make’ gender as much as the women entrepreneurs) themselves: both involve working on culturally shared meanings to make reality intelligible. The data consists of articles published in Yrittäjä, a pro-SME magazine, in 1990-1997. In the analysis I show how gender is constructed in media talk. as a women’s issue Women entrepreneurs are constantly compared with men and with an implicitly masculine ideal of entrepreneurship and with strengths and weaknesses of women are displayed pointing out that the meaning making of gender taking place in the data refers to equality discourse. Finally I discuss possible consequences of the hegemonic equality discourse and suggest lines of further research.

The regional differences between countries in traffic safety: A cross-cultural study and Turkish Case

Road traffic accidents are a large problem everywhere in the world. However, regional differences in traffic safety between countries are considerable. For example, traffic safety records are much worse in Southern Europe and the Middle East than in Northern and Western Europe. Despite the large regional differences in traffic safety, factors contributing to different accident risk figures in different countries and regions have remained largely unstudied. The general aim of this study was to investigate regional differences in traffic safety between Southern European/Middle Eastern (i.e., Greece, Iran, Turkey) and Northern/Western European (i.e., Finland, Great Britain, The Netherlands) countries and to identify factors related to these differences. We conducted seven sub-studies in which I applied a traffic culture framework, including a multi-level approach, to traffic safety. We used aggregated level data (national statistics), surveys among drivers, and data on traffic accidents and fatalities in the analyses. In the first study, we investigated the influence of macro level factors (i.e., economic, societal, and cultural) on traffic safety across countries. The results showed that a high GNP per capita and conservatism correlated with a low number of traffic fatalities, whereas a high degree of uncertainty avoidance, neuroticism, and egalitarianism correlated with a high number of traffic fatalities. In the second, third, and fourth studies, we examined whether the conceptualisation of road user characteristics (i.e., driver behaviour and performance) varied across traffic cultures and how these factors determined overall safety, and the differences between countries in traffic safety. The results showed that the factorial agreement for driver behaviour (i.e., aggressive driving) and performance (i.e., safety skills) was unsatisfactory in Greece, Iran, and Turkey, where the lack of social tolerance and interpersonal aggressive violations seem to be important characteristics of driving. In addition, we found that driver behaviour (i.e., aggressive violations and errors) mediated the relationship between culture/country and accidents. Besides, drivers from "dangerous" Southern European countries and Iran scored higher on aggressive violations and errors than did drivers from "safe" Northern European countries. However, "speeding" appeared to be a "pan-cultural" problem in traffic. Similarly, aggressive driving seems largely depend on road users' interactions and drivers' interpretation (i.e., cognitive biases) of the behaviour of others in every country involved in the study. Moreover, in all countries, a risky general driving style was mostly related to being young and male. The results of the fifth and sixth studies showed that among young Turkish drivers, gender stereotypes (i.e., masculinity and femininity) greatly influence driver behaviour and performance. Feminine drivers were safety-oriented whereas masculine drivers were skill-oriented and risky drivers. Since everyday driving tasks involve not only erroneous (i.e., risky or dangerous driving) or correct performance (i.e., normal habitual driving), but also "positive" driver behaviours, we developed a reliable scale for measuring "positive" driver behaviours among Turkish drivers in the seventh study. Consequently, I revised Reason's model [Reason, J. T., 1990. Human error. Cambridge University Press: New York] of aberrant driver behaviour to represent a general driving style, including all possible intentional behaviours in traffic while evaluating the differences between countries in traffic safety. The results emphasise the importance of economic, societal and cultural factors, general driving style and skills, which are related to exposure, cognitive biases as well as age, sex, and gender, in differences between countries in traffic safety.

Tasa-arvo ja muutoksen rajat : Sukupuolten tasa-arvo poliittisena ongelmana Ranskan parité- ja Suomen kiintiökeskusteluissa

The study looks at the debates on gender equality in political decision-making in Finland and France in the 1990s and 2000s by analysing the argumentation for parité and quotas and the ways in which gender equality was constructed as a political problem. The focus of the study is on the parliamentary debates on the amendment of the electoral law in France in 2000 and the introduction of quota regulations into the Act on Equality in Finland in 1994 - 1995. The debates ended in the adoption of quota regulations in the electoral lists (France) and in the executive and preparatory bodies at the national and the local level (Finland). Apart from the analysis of the parliamentary debates, the study explores the political processes preceding the adoption of legislation as well as the debates on quotas and parity in Finnish and French societies in the 1980s and 1990s. The debates on gender equality are analysed as the sites of struggle and change with regard to the normative boundaries of gender equality, as well as of politics and citizenship. The cross-cultural perspective gives room to explore the ways in which gender equality and change can be imagined in different national contexts, and which kinds of discursive resources are available for the politicization of gender equality. Specific attention is paid to the discursive frames and agenda settings in the debates and how these set the limits of the imaginable and the possible in the promotion of gender equality. In both Finland and France, the promotion of equality was constructed as a national project, in which the main beneficiary was the society or the nation as a whole. In France, gender equality was an inherent part of the promotion of French democracy; in Finland, gender equality was regarded as a means to bring the expertise of both women and men to the benefit of the whole society. Furthermore, in both countries the promotion of gender equality was based on the harmonious cooperation of women and men and the temporal dimension of "nearly achieved" gender equality. In this kind of a context, gender equality served as a means towards the wider national ends, and there was little room to discuss the aspects of power and agency with regard to gender equality. However, the internationalisation of equality politics, as well as the conflicting interpretations of gender equality in the national political arenas, calls into question the existence of clearly defined and immutable boundaries of "Finnish" and "French" gender equality. At the same time, the rules of the game in politics, including the meaning of French republicanism and Finnish "expert oriented" politics were contested. In this way, the new equality legislation and the preceding political processes played a part in the transformation of the limits of gender equality, politics and citizenship.

Variations in paediatric upper respiratory surgery rates within and between two Nordic countries

Lasten ylähengitystiekirurgia (kita-nielurisojen poisto ja tärykalvon putkitus) on länsimaissa erittäin yleistä. Leikkausten lukumäärät vaihtelevat niin kansallisesti kuin kansainvälisestikin, mutta selvää syytä näille eroille ei tiedetä. Hoitosuositusten merkitys käytäntöihin on kyseenalaistettu ja voi olla, ettei hoitosuosituksia noudateta. Leikkaukset saattavat aiheuttaa lapsipotilaille psykologisen vamman, ja lisäksi niihin sisältyy komplikaatioiden, jopa kuoleman, vaara. Jotta haittoja voidaan välttää, on tärkeää tunnistaa ne lapset, jotka hyötyvät leikkauksesta. Ongelma on paitsi lääketieteellinen, myös taloudellinen: ylähengitystiekirurgiasta aiheutuu merkittäviä kuluja. Leikkausmäärien arvioiminen on tärkeää, jotta leikkauskäytäntöjä voidaan järkeistää. Tässä väitöskirjatyössä tutkittiin ylähengitystieleikkausten määriä Suomessa ja Norjassa sekä näiden kahden maan välillä. Aiempaa tutkimusta aiheesta ei kummassakaan maassa ole tehty. Kitarisanpoiston, välikorvan putkituksen, tärykalvopiston, nielurisanpoiston ja kita- ja nielurisanpoiston leikkausmäärät saatiin kansallisista tietokannoista. Lukuja verrattiin ko. maan lasten lukumäärään, maantieteelliseen sijoittumiseen sekä lasten ikään ja sukupuoleen. Lisäksi leikkausmääriä arvioitiin suhteessa korva-, nenä- ja kurkkulääkäreiden sekä yleislääkäreiden määrään, maantieteelliseen sijoittumiseen ja lääkäreiden ikään ja sukupuoleen. Leikkausten määrissä havaittiin suurta vaihtelua niin Suomessa kuin Norjassa. Suomessa suurimmat erot leikkausmäärissä löydettiin läntisen ja itäisen miljoonapiirin välillä. Läntisessä piirissä tehtiin lähes kaksin kertaa enemmän leikkauksia kuin itäisessä piirissä. Norjassa suurimmat erot olivat pohjoisen ja itäisen piirin välillä. Pohjoisessa piirissä tehtiin kaksinkertainen määrä leikkauksia itäiseen piirrin verrattuna. Suomessa tehtiin tutkimuksen koko aikavälillä enemmän kitarisanpoistoja kuin Norjassa, mutta ko. leikkausten määrä oli maassamme selvästi laskussa. Vuonna 2002 Suomessa tehtiin 2,5 kertaa enemmän kitarisanpoistoja kuin Norjassa. (Kita)nielurisanpoistoja tehtiin kuitenkin Suomessa vähemmän kuin Norjassa. Näiden leikkausten määrät pysyivät tutkimuksen aikavälillä Suomessa samalla tasolla, kun Norjassa leikkausmäärät hieman nousivat. Suomalaisia lapsia leikattiin keskimäärin paljon nuorempina kuin norjalaisia lapsia. Tutkimuksessa ei löydetty selitystä ylähengitystieleikkausten määrän suurelle vaihtelulle Suomessa ja Norjassa tai maiden välillä. Kuitenkin Suomessa tehtyjen kitarisanpoistojen huomattavan vähenemisen myötä maiden ylähengitystieleikkausten määrät lähenivät toisiaan.

The Rocky Road of Social Sustainability : The Impact of Integrated Biodiversity Conservation and Development on the Local Realities in Ranomafana National Park, Madagascar

The objective of this study is to examine the social impacts of the integrated conservation and development project (ICDP) aimed at biodiversity conservation and local socio-economic development in the Ranomafana National Park (RNP), Madagascar. Furthermore, the study explores social sustainability and justice of the ICDP in Ranomafana. This ethnographically informed impact study uses of various field methods. The research material used consists of observation, interviews (key-person and focus group), school children's writings, official statistics and project documents. Fieldwork was conducted in three phases in 2001, 2002 and 2004 in twelve villages around the park, as well as in neighbouring areas of Ranomafana. However, four of those twelve villages were chosen for closer study. This study consists of five independent articles and a concluding chapter. Social impacts were studied through reproductive health indicators as well as a life security approach. Equity and distribution of benefits and drawbacks of ICDP were analysed and the actors related to the conservation in Ranomafana were identified. The children and adolescents' environmental views were also examined. The reproductive health indicators studied showed a poor state of reproductive health in the park area. Moreover, the existing social capital in the villages seemed to be fragmented due to economic difficulties that were partly caused by the conservation regulations. The ICDP in Ranomafana did not pay attention to the heterogeneity of the affected communities even though the local beneficiaries of the ICDP varied according to their ethnicity, living place, wealth, social position and gender. In addition, various conservation actors (local people in various groups, local authorities, tourist business owners, conservation NGOs and scientists) contest their interests over the forest, conservation and its related activities. This study corroborates the same type of evidence and conclusions discussed in other similar cases elsewhere: so called social conservation programmes still cannot meet the needs of the people living near the protected areas; on the contrary, they even have a reverse impact on the people's lives. A fundamental misunderstood assumption in the conservation process in Ranomafana was to consider the local people as a problem for biodiversity conservation. Major reasons for the failure of the ICDP in Ranomafana include a lack of local institutions that would have been able to communicate as equals with the conservation NGOs as well as to transfer the tradition of the authoritarian governance in conservation management together with the over-appreciation of scientific biodiversity, and lack of will to understand the local people's rights to use the forest for their livelihoods.