5 resultados para forbidden

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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Vilho Helanen (1899 1952) was a right-wing opinion leader in interwar Finland. But following the Second World War, the political situation in the country changed dramatically, and Helanen lost his job as well as his influential social station. He began to write detective fiction, and between 1946 and 1952 published seven novels (one had already been published in 1941). The novels protagonist is Kaarlo Rauta, a lawyer who acts as a private investigator. This doctoral dissertation analyzes the Rauta series from three different points of view. It investigates the extent to which the author s life and his strong political background appears in the series. The study also situates the series within Finnish society during and after the war. Finally, the study examines the Rauta series in terms of the genre conventions of detective fiction, that is, the study compares the Rauta series with other Finnish crime fiction and international crime fiction written during the 1940s. The Iron and The Cross Spider uses the term citizenship education when analyzing how Helanen implicitly continued his political teaching when writing crime fiction. The series includes a didactic register, which instructs the middle class in appropriate behaviour and manners, and the social roles entailed by gender. A special area of focus in this didacticism are norms of correct masculinity and femininity. The study devotes specific attention to the status of character in the series. The masculine detective and his beautiful wife are prominent, as is the fictive community and the tensions that criss-cross it. After the war, the Rauta series takes on a positive tone. Men can earn their place in society by fighting at the front, and after the war a homosocial bond exists between all the former soldiers. Women are shut out of the war experience. The detective hero has served in the war, but he is physically and psychologically untouched by it. The community is threatened by artists and immoral bohemians, but not the working class. Artists have affairs outside of marriage and abnormal sexual habits. The members of the upper class are also described as immoral in the series. Sadistic sexuality is often characteristic of the criminals, who are mostly femme fatales in the fashion of hard-boiled detective stories and film noir. Also, strong feelings have a negative connotation in the series, and showing them is forbidden behaviour. Men become criminals when they are insufficiently masculine or when they have not carried out their duty by fighting in the war. Helanen portrayed the communists, his political opponents from the 1930s, as criminals in his post-war series, but they were not openly represented as Russians or communists. Instead, Helanen used the cross spider as their symbol, a symbol which the readers of the time would recognize.

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The material I analyze for my master's thesis is a teaching manual used by the Mormons (the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints), called "Duties and Blessings of the Priesthood". This work includes numerous lesson plans, each one with a separate topic. The manual is intended especially for teaches, but can also be used for individual study. The main target of my research is to find out how men and their bodies are constructed in the manual. Prescriptive texts together with narrative stories and illustrations create a multifaceted picture of Mormon notions of masculinity and corporeality. I approach my research material from a constructivist perspective. I build my interpretative reading upon Critical Discourse Analysis. I am especially interested in how the manual interprets and understands connections between gender, embodiment and religion. I understand gender in Judith Butler's terms, as a performance of styled and repeated gestures. Some of the discussions I raise in my work draw upon the disciplines of Critical Men's Studies and Sociology of Religion. In Mormonism, gender is thought to be an elementary part of human ontology. It is an eternal trait inherited from God the Father (and God the Mother). The place of men in Mormon cosmology is determined by their double role as patriarchs, fathers and priests. The main objective of mortal life is to gain salvation together with one's family. The personal goal of a Mormon man is to one day become a god. Patriarchs are responsible for the spiritual and material well-being of their family. The head of a household should be gentle and loving, but still an unconditional authority. In the manual, a Mormon man is depicted as a successor of mythical and exemplary men of sacred history. The perfect and sinless body of Jesus Christ serves as an ideal for the male body. Mormon masculinity is also defined by priesthood - the holy power of God - which is given to practically all male Mormons. Through the priesthood, a Mormon man serves as the governor of God on Earth. The Mormon priest has the authority to bind the immanent and the transcendent worlds together with gestures, poses and motions performed with his body. In Mormonism, the body also symbolizes a temple or a space where the sacred meets the profane. Because the priesthood borne by a man is holy, he has to treat his body accordingly. The body is valuable in itself, without it one cannot be saved. Men are forbidden of polluting their bodies by using stimulants or by having sexual relations out of wedlock. A priesthood holder must uphold healthy habits, dress neatly, and conduct himself in a temperate manner. He must also be outgoing and attentive. The manual suggests that a man's goodness or wickedness can be perceived from his external appearance. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is a hierarchical and man-led organisation. The ideals of gender and corporeality are set by a homogenous priesthood leadership that consists mainly of white heterosexual American men. The larger Mormon community can control individual men by sanctioning. Growing as a Mormon man happens under the guidance of one's reference group.

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In What We Owe to Each Other, T.M. Scanlon formulated a new version of the ethical theory called contractualism. This theory took reasons considerations that count in favour of judgment-sensitive attitudes to be the fundamental normative notion. It then used normative reasons to first account for evaluative properties. For an object to be valuable, on this view, is for it to have properties that provide reasons to have favourable attitudes towards the bearer of value. Scanlon also used reasons to account for moral wrongness. His contractualism claims that an act is morally wrong if it is forbidden by any set of moral principles that no one could reasonably reject. My thesis consists of five previously published articles which attempt to clarify Scanlon s theory and to defend it against its critics. The first article defends the idea that normative reason-relations are fundamental against Joshua Gert. Gert argues that rationality is a more basic notion than reasons and that reasons can be analysed in terms of their rationally requiring and justifying dimensions. The second article explores the relationship between value and reasons. It defends Scanlon s view according to which reasons are the more basic than value against those who think that reasons are based on the evaluative realm. The last three articles defend Scanlon s views about moral wrongness. The first one of them discusses a classic objection to contractualist theories. This objection is that principles which no one could reasonably reject are redundant in accounting for wrongness. This is because we need a prior notion of wrongness to select those principles and because such principles are not required to make actions wrong or to provide reasons against wrong actions. The fourth article explores the distinctive reasons which contractualists claim there are for avoiding the wrong actions. The last article argues against the critics of contractualism who claim that contractualism has implausible normative consequences for situations related to the treatment of different-sized groups of people.

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Ihmisille ympäri maailmaa on tyypillistä valita tiettyjä ruokia suuremmasta valikoimasta syömäkelpoista ruokaa ja luoda mieltymyksiä sekä kieltoja joitakin ruokia kohtaan. Näitä ilmiöitä kutsutaan ruokauskomuksiksi ja ne ovat tärkeä osa kulttuuria. Niiden taustalla on usein terveydelliset perustelut tai sosiaalinen arvostus yhteisössä. Afrikassa on todettu olevan paljon erilaisia ruokauskomuksia, jotka kohdistuvat usein raskaana oleviin ja imettäviin naisiin sekä lapsiin, ryhmään, joka on fysiologisesti erityisen herkässä elämänvaiheessa. Ravitsemustilan tai ruokaturvan ollessa heikko, mahdollisilla ruokauskomuksilla voi olla merkittävät seuraukset erityisesti tämän väestönosan terveydentilaan. Aliravitsemus ja virheravitsemus ovat edelleen suuria ongelmia Afrikassa ja muissa kehittyvissä maissa. Tämän työn tavoitteena oli tutkia laadullisin menetelmin, onko erityisesti raskaana olevilla ja imettävillä naisilla Keski-Mosambikin maaseudulla, Zambézian maakunnassa, ruokauskomuksia, mitä ne mahdollisesti ovat, sekä arvioida voiko ruokauskomuksilla olla ravitsemuksellista merkitystä. Menetelminä oli 5 ryhmähaastattelua kolmessa kylässä ja 10 yksilöhaastattelua kahdessa kylässä. Tutkittavat olivat 12–78-vuotiaita naisia ja heitä oli yhteensä 27. Tulkkaus, tutkimusaiheen sensitiivisyys ja haastattelijan kokemattomuus aiheuttivat haasteita haastatteluiden toteutukseen. Tämän vuoksi menetelmää muokattiin ja se vaihdettiin ryhmähaastattelusta yksilöhaastatteluun tutkimuksen aikana. Ruokauskomukset vaihtelivat sekä kylien välillä että kylien sisällä, joskin niistä löytyi samantyyppisiä pääpiirteitä. Työssä todettiin, että raskaana oleviin ja imettäviin naisiin kohdistui tutkimusalueella ruokauskomuksia. Raskauden aikana tuli välttää pääasiassa proteiinipitoisia ruokia, kuten lihaa ja kalaa ja puolestaan suosia kasvisten, hedelmien ja viljatuotteiden käyttöä. Linnun munien syöntiä sekä suositeltiin että kehotettiin välttämään raskauden aikana. Raskauden aikana ilmeni lisäksi tietoinen tapa vähentää kassavapuuron tai ruuan syömistä kokonaisuudessaan. Imetyksen aikana ei vältetty juuri mitään ruokia, vaan suositeltiin kookosta ja kasviksia. Suurin osa perusteluista liittyi äidin ja lapsen terveyteen. Perustelut voitiin jakaa seuraaviin ryhmiin: lisää äidinmaidon tuotantoa; aiheuttaa vatsakipua äidillä; pitää yllä kuntoa ja estää vatsan kasvua; äidistä tulee vahva, terve ja hän saa vitamiineja; lapsen ulkonäkö muuttuu; lapsesta tulee terve ja vahva; lapsen käyttäytyminen muuttuu; aiheuttaa keskenmenon; aiheuttaa vaikean tai helpon synnytyksen. Ruokauskomukset ja terveysviranomaisilta tullut valistus oli osittain sekoittunut keskenään. Lähes kaikki naiset kertoivat noudattavansa näitä ruokauskomuksia. Muutamat naiset kertoivat suositeltavien ruokien kohdalla, että ruokien saatavuus tekee noudattamisen joskus vaikeaksi. Proteiinipitoisten ruokien välttäminen voi lisätä proteiinialiravitsemuksen riskiä ja syömisen vähentäminen saattaa lisätä riskiä saada riittämättömästi energiaa raskauden aikana. Suositeltavat ruuat todennäköisesti edistävät terveyttä. Tutkielman perusteella voitiin todeta, että vieraassa kulttuurissa tutkiminen vaatii tutkimusmenetelmältä paljon. Tärkeää on menetelmän joustavuus, jotta sitä voi muuttaa tutkimuskentällä toimivampaan ja luotettavampaan muotoon. Johtopäätöksenä todettiin, että suositeltavin menetelmä tutkittaessa ruokauskomuksia tällä tutkimusalueella olisi ollut yksilöhaastattelut, jossa olisi ollut mahdollisimman vähän osallistujia ja osallistujat olisivat olleet samaa sukupuolta ja saman ikäisiä. Terveyden ja ravitsemuksen kannalta on tärkeää, että ruokauskomuksista ollaan tietoisia ja väestön ruokauskomuksia tutkitaan alueittain, koska ne voivat vaihdella merkittävästi jopa kylien tai ihmisryhmien sisällä.

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Using 58 audio recorded sessions of psychoanalysis (coming from two analysts and three patients) as data and conversation analysis as method, this paper shows how psychoanalysts deal with patients’ responses to interpretations. After the analyst offers an interpretation, the patient responds: at that point (in the “third position”), the analysts recurrently modify the tenor of the description from what it was in the patients’ responses. They intensify the emotional valence of the description, or they reveal layers of the patients’ experience other than those that the patient reported. Both are usually accomplished in an implicit, non-marked way, and they discreetly index possible opportunities for the patients to modify their understandings of the initial interpretation. Although the patients usually do not fully endorse these modifications, the data available suggests that during the sessions that follow, the participants do work with the aspects of patients’ experience that the analyst highlighted. In discussion, it is suggested that actions that the psychoanalysts produce in therapy, such as choices of turn design in third position, may be informed by working understanding of the minds and mental conflicts of individual patients, alongside the more general therapeutic model of mind they hold to.