8 resultados para colonial administration
em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki
Resumo:
Continuous epidural analgesia (CEA) and continuous spinal postoperative analgesia (CSPA) provided by a mixture of local anaesthetic and opioid are widely used for postoperative pain relief. E.g., with the introduction of so-called microcatheters, CSPA found its way particularly in orthopaedic surgery. These techniques, however, may be associated with dose-dependent side-effects as hypotension, weakness in the legs, and nausea and vomiting. At times, they may fail to offer sufficient analgesia, e.g., because of a misplaced catheter. The correct position of an epidural catheter might be confirmed by the supposedly easy and reliable epidural stimulation test (EST). The aims of this thesis were to determine a) whether the efficacy, tolerability, and reliability of CEA might be improved by adding the α2-adrenergic agonists adrenaline and clonidine to CEA, and by the repeated use of EST during CEA; and, b) the feasibility of CSPA given through a microcatheter after vascular surgery. Studies I IV were double-blinded, randomized, and controlled trials; Study V was of a diagnostic, prospective nature. Patients underwent arterial bypass surgery of the legs (I, n=50; IV, n=46), total knee arthroplasty (II, n=70; III, n=72), and abdominal surgery or thoracotomy (V, n=30). Postoperative lumbar CEA consisted of regular mixtures of ropivacaine and fentanyl either without or with adrenaline (2 µg/ml (I) and 4 µg/ml (II)) and clonidine (2 µg/ml (III)). CSPA (IV) was given through a microcatheter (28G) and contained either ropivacaine (max. 2 mg/h) or a mixture of ropivacaine (max. 1 mg/h) and morphine (max. 8 µg/h). Epidural catheter tip position (V) was evaluated both by EST at the moment of catheter placement and several times during CEA, and by epidurography as reference diagnostic test. CEA and CSPA were administered for 24 or 48 h. Study parameters included pain scores assessed with a visual analogue scale, requirements of rescue pain medication, vital signs, and side-effects. Adrenaline (I and II) had no beneficial influence as regards the efficacy or tolerability of CEA. The total amounts of epidurally-infused drugs were even increased in the adrenaline group in Study II (p=0.02, RM ANOVA). Clonidine (III) augmented pain relief with lowered amounts of epidurally infused drugs (p=0.01, RM ANOVA) and reduced need for rescue oxycodone given i.m. (p=0.027, MW-U; median difference 3 mg (95% CI 0 7 mg)). Clonidine did not contribute to sedation and its influence on haemodynamics was minimal. CSPA (IV) provided satisfactory pain relief with only limited blockade of the legs (no inter-group differences). EST (V) was often related to technical problems and difficulties of interpretation, e.g., it failed to identify the four patients whose catheters were outside the spinal canal already at the time of catheter placement. As adjuvants to lumbar CEA, clonidine only slightly improved pain relief, while adrenaline did not provide any benefit. The role of EST applied at the time of epidural catheter placement or repeatedly during CEA remains open. The microcatheter CSPA technique appeared effective and reliable, but needs to be compared to routine CEA after peripheral arterial bypass surgery.
Resumo:
This study discusses the legitimacy basis of political power and its changes in historical African societies. It starts from Luc de Heusch s tenet that political power required a legitimacy basis of a spiritual kind, often formulated as sacred kingship. In ancient and pre-literate societies such kings were held to be responsible for the fertility of man, land and cattle. The king was a paradoxical figure, symbolising society, but standing above it, while simultaneously being its victim by being ritually killed at old age. This was also how Owambo sacred kings were conceived. De Heusch suggested that African kings derived their power over fertility from having been made sacred monsters in the rituals of installation. With the example of Owambo kingship, this study argues that the transgressive and monstrous aspect is only one of several dimension of a king s sacredness and brings out the nurturing and symbolically female aspect, identified but not analysed further by de Heusch. In the Owambo kingly installation a king-elect was made sacred, and part of it was that a link was ritually created to the early owners of the land. Their consent made it possible for the king to promote fertility and to appropriate power emblems needed for ruling. In the kingdom of Ondonga the early owners of the land were the spirits of early Bushman inhabitants and those of an early kingly clan, both neglected in public memory. The sacred dimension of kingship was further augmented when kings manipulated and appropriated rain rituals and initiation rituals, both of which were related to fertility. The study argues that even though there were aspects of the sacred monster in Owambo kingship, its manifestation was, in part, a distortion of the reciprocal aspect of kingship that was expressed in the homage paid to various ancestor spirits. A change in succession practices from ritual regicide to political assassination took place concomitant with the introduction of firearms, and this broke the sacrificial aspect of sacred kingship paving the way for a more predatory form of kingship while the sacred status of the king was retained.
Resumo:
Despite the acknowledged importance of strategic planning in business and other organizations, there are few studies focusing on strategy texts and the related processes of their production and consumption. In this paper, we attempt to partially fill this research gap by examining the institutionalized aspects of strategy discourse: what strategy is as genre. Combining textual analysis and analysis of conversation, the article focuses on the official strategy of the City of Lahti in Finland. Our analysis shows how specific communicative purposes and lexico-grammatical features characterize the genre of strategy and how the actual negotiations over strategy text involve particular kinds of intersubjectivity and intertextuality.
Resumo:
Parliaments are political institutions, but they are also places where people work; the MPs and the people who are employed there work, albeit in rather different ways. In this research the focus is on those in a Parliament who work there as employees and managers, and thereby, in some senses, run the organisation. Accordingly, this involves seeing the Parliament as a working environment, for MPs and employees, for men and women. The institution of Parliament is thus here examined by looking at it from a different and new angle. Instead of the usual focus on politicians the focus is on the administration of this institution. The aim is, amongst other things, to increase knowledge and offer different perspectives on democracy and democratic institutions. Unpacking the nearly mythical institution into smaller, more digestible, graspable realities should at the very least help to remind the wider society that although nations, to a certain extent, do need national institutions they should not become mystified or seen as larger than life. Institutions should work on behalf of people and thus be accountable to these same people. The main contribution of this work is to explore and problematise how managing and working is done inside an institution that both largely fulfils the characteristics of a bureaucracy and yet also has added special features that seem to be rather far removed from clear bureaucratic structures. This research offers a new kind of information on working life inside this elite institution. The joys and the struggles of working and managing in this particular public sector organisation are illustrated here and offer a view, a glimpse, into the experiences of managing and working in this House.
Resumo:
The Master’s thesis examines whether and how decolonial cosmopolitanism is empirically traceable in the attitudes and practices of Costa Rican activists working in transnational advocacy organizations. Decolonial cosmopolitanism is defined as a form of cosmopolitanism from below that aims to propose ways of imagining – and putting into practice – a truly globe-encompassing civic community not based on relations of domination but on horizontal dialogue. This concept has been developed by and shares its basic presumptions with the theory on coloniality that the modernity/coloniality/decoloniality research group is putting forward. It is analyzed whether and how the workings of coloniality as underlying ontological assumption of decolonial cosmopolitanism and broadly subsumable under the three logics of race, capitalism, and knowledge, are traceable in intermediate postcolonial transnational advocacy in Costa Rica. The method of analysis chosen to approach these questions is content analysis, which is used for the analysis of qualitative semi-structured in-depth interviews with Costa Rican activists working in advocacy organizations with transnational ties. Costa Rica was chosen as it – while unquestionably a Latin American postcolonial country and thus within the geo-political context in which the concept was developed – introduces a complex setting of socio-cultural and political factors that put the explanatory potential of the concept to the test. The research group applies the term ‘coloniality’ to describe how the social, political, economic, and epistemic relations developed during the colonization of the Americas order global relations and sustain Western domination still today through what is called the logic of coloniality. It also takes these processes as point of departure for imagining how counter-hegemonic contestations can be achieved through the linking of local struggles to a global community that is based on pluriversality. The issues that have been chosen as most relevant expressions of the logic of coloniality in the context of Costa Rican transnational advocacy and that are thus empirically scrutinized are national identity as ‘white’ exceptional nation with gender equality (racism), the neoliberalization of advocacy in the Global South (capitalism), and finally Eurocentrism, but also transnational civil society networks as first step in decolonizing civic activism (epistemic domination). The findings of this thesis show that the various ways in which activists adopt practices and outlooks stemming from the center in order to empower themselves and their constituencies, but also how their particular geo-political position affects their work, cannot be reduced to one single logic of coloniality. Nonetheless, the aspects of race, gender, capitalism and epistemic hegemony do undeniably affect activist cosmopolitan attitudes and transnational practices. While the premisses on which the concept of decolonial cosmopolitanism is based suffer from some analytical drawbacks, its importance is seen in its ability to take as point of departure the concrete spaces in which situated social relations develop. It thus allows for perceiving the increasing interconnectedness between different levels of social and political organizing as contributing to cosmopolitan visions combining local situatedness with global community as normative horizon that have not only influenced academic debate, but also political projects.