Levottomat Tuhkimot : Etnografinen tutkimus nuorten tyttöjen suhtautumisesta väkivaltaan Levottomat Tuhkimot -tyttöväkivaltaprojektin keskusteluryhmässä

In recent years girls’ increased violence has been a topical issue. Including the voices of the girls’ themselves engaged to violent offending is therefore essential. The goal for this research was to make sense of girls’ stance toward violence in the project Restless Cinderellas’ discussion group for violent girls. The methodological approach was ethnographic and the data was collected by using the method of participant observation. Girls’ stance toward violence was explored by asking the data following questions: 1. What is the purpose of violent behaviour? 2. Which issues motivate for violence? 3. What alternatives exist for violent behaviour? In a thick description of research material this study also aimed to chart if there was any change in girls’ attitudes due to participation on violence preventative discussion group. The ethnographic data was extensive and consisted of observations, start, - middle, - and end point group discussion records, fieldnotes, self report-questionnaires and feedback documentary. The four girls that participated on this study were 14 -15- years old by the time of research. They came from one elementary school in the capital region. They were chosen to the group based on NFG’s youth workers interview. The girls were allocated to the group by the school’s student welfare group because of their violent behaviour on school time. The analysis was qualitative and the concepts were created through theory triangulation. These concepts were exploited to exam girls’ violent attitudes. The study shows that violence was used to pitch for justice, lesson and respect. The factors that motivated on using violence were experienced insult, betrayal and concatenation of violence. Alternatives for violence were the circle of success and value consciousness. In the dialectics between the research documentaries some changes in girls’ attitudes heaved into sight. However, the study could not show reliable connection between the changes and participation on discussion group.

State Agent, Identity and the "New World Order" : Reconstructing Polish Defence Identity after the Cold War Era

National identity signifies and makes state s defence- and foreign policy behaviour meaningful. National consciousness is narrated into existence by narratives upon one s own exceptionalism and Otherness of the other nations. While national identity may be understood merely as a self-image of a nation, defence identity refers to the borders of Otherness and issues that have been considered as worth defending for. As national identities and all the world order models are human constructions, they may be changed by the human efforts as well; states and nations may deliberately promote communitarian or even cosmopolitan equality and tolerance without borders of Otherness. The main research question of the thesis is: How does Poland constitute herself as a nation and a state agent in the current world order and to what extent have contextual foreign and defence policy interactions changed the Polish defence identity during the post-Cold War era? The main empirical argument of the thesis is: Poland is a narrated idea of a Christian Catholic nation-state, which the Polish State, the Catholic Church of Poland, the Armed Forces of Poland as well as a majority of the Polish nation share. Polish defence identity has been almost impenetrable to contextual foreign and defence policy interactions during the post-Cold War era. While Christian religious ontology binds corporate Poland together, allowing her to survive any number of military and political catastrophes, it simultaneously brings her closer to the USA, raises tensions in the infidel EU-context, and restrains corporate Poland s pursuit of communitarian, or even cosmopolitan, global equality and tolerance. It is not the case that corporate Poland s foreign and defence policy orientation is instinctively Atlanticist by nature, as has been argued. Rather, it has been the State s rational project to overcome a habituated and reified fear of becoming geopolitically sandwiched between Russian and German Others by leaning on the USA; among the Polish nation, support for the USA has been declining since 2004. It is not corporate Poland either that has turned into a constructive European , as has been argued, but rather the Polish nation that has, at least partly, managed to emancipate itself from its habituation to a betrayal by Europe narrative, since it favours the EU as much as it favours NATO. It seems that in the Polish case a truly common European CFSP vis-à-vis Russia may offer a solution that will emancipate the Polish State from its habituated EU-sceptic role identity and corporate Poland from its narrated borders of Otherness towards Russia and Germany, but even then one cannot be sure whether any other perspective than the Polish one on a common stand towards Russia would satisfy the Poles themselves.