En sjukdom af högst elakt släckte : Återfallsfebern på Sveaborg och i Karlskrona 1788-1790

Sommaren 1788 drabbades den svenska flottan av en svårartad febersjukdom. Febern, som senare definierats som febris recurrens el. återfallsfeber, hade sitt ursprung i den ryska flottan. Besättningen ombord skeppet Vladislav, krigsbytet från slaget vid Hogland, bar på ett stort antal smittade klädlöss. Efter flottans ankomst till Sveaborg spred sig sjukdomen snabbt bland manskapet, men även bland fästningens garnison. Förhållandena inom militären, både inom lantarmén och framför allt inom flottan, var gynnsamma för epidemiers spridning. De trånga utrymmena, den ensidiga kosten, det undermåliga dricksvattnet, den bristande hygienen: allt gynnade uppkomsten och spridningen av olika epidemier. Manskapets försämrade allmäntillstånd gjorde, att sjukdomarna blev mera förödande än vad de i andra förhållanden skulle ha varit. Bristen på manskap och material under Gustav III:s ryska krig var enormt, bl.a. var bristen på medicinsk personal och -utrustning skriande. Då flottan och armén drabbades av en epidemi av katastrofala dimensioner stod myndigheterna hjälplösa. Epidemin visaqr tydligt hur illa förberett hela kriget var och hur misskött flottans sjukvård var. På Sveaborg var förhållandena fruktansvärda. Halva garnisonen uppges ha avlidit, och det låg travar av lik överallt. Kaserner m.fl. byggnader adapterades till provisoriska lasarett och det rådde brist på allt. De medicinska myndigheterna representerades av den till fästningen skickade andra fältläkaren, som tillsammans med läkarna på fästningen gjorde sitt bästa i enlighet med tidens vårdmetoder. Då den svenska örlogsflottan i november seglat över tilll Karlskrona spred sig epidemin i staden. Sjukdomen grasserade också bland de civila. Då sjukdomens orsak och utbredningssätt var okända, kunde man varken hindra epidemin från att spridas eller genomföra adekvata vårdmetoder. Tvärtom, med de hemförlovade båtsmännen spred sig sjukdomen även till de övriga delarna av riket. Under 1789 var flottan p.g.a. de många sjukdomsfallen närmast operationsoduglig. Under vårvintern och våren 1790 avtog epidemin. Epidemin var ett svårt medicinskt problem. För att utreda situationen i Karlskrona skickade den tillförordnade regeringen, utredningskommissionen och Collegium medicum sina egna representanter till staden. De olika läkarnas sjukdomssyner grundade sig främst på tron om sjukdomars uppkomst genom miasma och förbättrandet av luftkvaliteten sågs som en väsentlig vårdform. I arbetet jämförs de olika myndigheternas och några av de på platsen varande läkarnas syn på sjukdomens art, dess orsaker och ursprung. De flesta härleder sjukdomen till den ryska flottan, och nämner någon form av smitta. Som främsta sjukdomsorsak nämns dock miasma och de rekommenderade vårdformerna representerade den humoralpatologiska synen. Förste amiralitetsläkaren Arvid Faxe representerar dock en annan åsikt, i det att han enbart tror på sjukdomens överföring via smitta. Epidemin var också ett politiskt problem. Epidemin var en lokal angelägenhet ända till dess att flottans operationer hämmades av manskapsbristen, varefter den blev ett ärende på högsta nivå. Kungen ingrep sommaren 1789 genom att grunda en kommision med rätt vidsträckta befogenheter. I Karlskrona verkar de militära myndigheterna och läkarna ha misstrott och skuldsatt varandra för katastrofen, och förhållandet mellan de till staden sända utredarna och militärerna var likaså inflammerat. Genom källorna återspeglas rivalitet, avund och inbördes konkurrens. Personalbristen var svår, och den skyldiga söktes utanför den egna kretsen. Den danskfödde apotekaren med sina påstott otjänliga mediciner blev en ypperlig syndabock. Örlogsflottan beräknas i sjukdomar ha förlorat omkring 10.000 man i döda, huvudsakligen i Karlskrona (civila inberäknade). Armén och Skärgårdsflottan uppges likadeles ha mist omkring 10.000 man, medan antalet i strid stupade armésoldater endast var ca 1500. Sammanlagt antas alltså ca 20.000 människor ha mist livet; både i återfallsfeber, men även i andra, samtidigt grasserande farsoter. I denna siffra är inte de övriga delarna av riket inberäknade. Epidemin i fråga kan alltså på goda grunder anses vara det svenska 1700-talets största medicinska katastrof.

A Touch of Red : Archaeological and Ethnographic Approaches to Interpreting Finnish Rock Paintings

Approximately 125 prehistoric rock paintings have been found in the modern territory of Finland. The paintings were done with red ochre and are almost without exception located on steep lakeshore cliffs associated with ancient water routes. Most of the sites are found in the central and eastern parts of the country, especially on the shores of Lakes Päijänne and Saimaa. Using shore displacement chronology, the art has been dated to ca. 5000 – 1500 BC. It was thus created mainly during the Stone Age and can be associated with the so-called ‘Comb Ware’ cultures of the Subneolithic period. The range of motifs is rather limited, consisting mainly of schematic depictions of stick-figure humans, elks, boats, handprints and geometric signs. Few paintings include any evidence of narrative scenes, making their interpretation a rather difficult task. In Finnish archaeological literature, the paintings have traditionally been associated with ’sympathetic’ hunting magic, or the belief that the ritual shooting of the painted animals would increase hunting luck. Some writers have also suggested totemistic and shamanistic readings of the art. This dissertation is a critical review of the interpretations offered of Finnish rock art and an exploration of the potentials of archaeological and ethnographic research in increasing our knowledge of its meaning. Methods used include ’formal’ approaches such as archaeological excavation, landscape analysis and the application of neuropsychological research to the study of rock art, as well as ethnographically ’informed’ approaches that make use of Saami and Baltic Finnish ethnohistorical sources in interpretation. In conclusion, it is argued that although North European hunter-gatherer rock art is often thought to lie beyond the reach of ‘informed’ knowledge, the exceptional continuity of prehistoric settlement in Finland validates the informed approach in the interpretation of Finnish rock paintings. The art can be confidently associated with shamanism of the kind still practiced by the Saami of Northern Fennoscandia in the historical period. Evidence of similar shamanistic practices, concepts and cosmology are also found in traditional Finnish-Karelian epic poetry. Previous readings of the art based on ‘hunting magic’ and totemism are rejected. Most of the paintings appear to depict experiences of falling into a trance, of shamanic metamorphosis and trance journeys, and of ‘spirit helper’ beings comparable to those employed by the Saami shaman (noaidi). As demonstrated by the results of an excavation at the rock painting of Valkeisaari, the painted cliffs themselves find a close parallel in the Saami cult of the 'sieidi', or sacred cliffs and boulders worshipped as expressing a supernatural power. Like the Saami, the prehistoric inhabitants of the Finnish Lake Region seem to have believed that certain cliffs were ’alive’ and inhabited by the spirit helpers of the shaman. The rock paintings can thus be associated with shamanic vision quests, and the making of ‘art’ with an effort to socialize the other members of the community, especially the ritual specialists, with trance visions. However, the paintings were not merely to be looked at. The red ochre handprints pressed on images of elks, as well as the fact that many paintings appear ’smeared’, indicate that they were also to be touched – perhaps in order to tap into the supernatural potency inherent in the cliff and in the paintings of spirit animals.

Tropical dryland agroforestry on clay soils: : Analysis of systems based on Acacia senegal in the Blue Nile region, Sudan

Acacia senegal, the gum arabic producing tree, is the most important component in traditional dryland agroforestry systems in the Blue Nile region, Sudan. The aim of the present study was to provide new knowledge on the potential use of A. senegal in dryland agroforestry systems on clay soils, as well as information on tree/crop interaction, and on silvicultural and management tools, with consideration on system productivity, nutrient cycling and sustainability. Moreover, the aim was also to clarify the intra-specific variation in the performance of A. senegal and, specifically, the adaptation of trees of different origin to the clay soils of the Blue Nile region. In agroforestry systems established at the beginning of the study, tree and crop growth, water use, gum and crop yields, nutrient cycling and system performance were investigated for a period of four years (1999 to 2002). Trees were grown at 5 x 5 m and 10 x 10 m spacing alone or in mixture with sorghum or sesame; crops were also grown in sole culture. The symbiotic biological N2 fixation by A. senegal was estimated using the 15N natural abundance (δ15N) procedure in eight provenances collected from different environments and soil types of the gum arabic belt and grown in clay soil in the Blue Nile region. Balanites aegyptiaca (a non-legume) was used as a non-N-fixing reference tree species, so as to allow 15N-based estimates of the proportion of the nitrogen in trees derived from the atmosphere. In the planted acacia trees, measurements were made on shoot growth, water-use efficiency (as assessed by the δ13C method) and (starting from the third year) gum production. Carbon isotope ratios were obtained from the leaves and branch wood samples. The agroforestry system design caused no statistically significant variation in water use, but the variation was highly significant between years, and the highest water use occurred in the years with high rainfall. No statistically significant differences were found in sorghum or sesame yields when intercropping and sole crop systems were compared (yield averages were 1.54 and 1.54 ha-1 for sorghum and 0.36 and 0.42 t ha-1 for sesame in the intercropped and mono-crop plots, respectively). Thus, at an early stage of agroforestry system management, A. senegal had no detrimental effect on crop yield, but the pattern of resource capture by trees and crops may change as the system matures. Intercropping resulted in taller trees and larger basal and crown diameters as compared to the development of sole trees. It also resulted in a higher land equivalent ratio. When gum yields were analysed it was found that a significant positive relationship existed between the second gum picking and the total gum yield. The second gum picking seems to be a decisive factor in gum production and could be used as an indicator for the total gum yield in a particular year. In trees, the concentrations of N and P were higher in leaves and roots, whereas the levels of K were higher in stems, branches and roots. Soil organic matter, N, P and K contents were highest in the upper soil stratum. There was some indication that the P content slightly increased in the topsoil as the agroforestry plantations aged. At a stocking of 400 trees ha-1 (5 x 5 m spacing), A. senegal accumulated in the biomass a total of 18, 1.21, 7.8 and 972 kg ha-1of N, P, K and OC, respectively. Trees contributed ca. 217 and 1500 kg ha-1 of K and OC, respectively, to the top 25-cm of soil over the first four years of intercropping. Acacia provenances of clay plain origin showed considerable variation in seed weight. They also had the lowest average seed weight as compared to the sandy soil (western) provenances. At the experimental site in the clay soil region, the clay provenances were distinctly superior to the sand provenances in all traits studied but especially in basal diameter and crown width, thus reflecting their adaptation to the environment. Values of δ13C, indicating water use efficiency, were higher in the sand soil group as compared to the clay one, both in leaves and in branch wood. This suggests that the sand provenances (with an average value of -28.07 ) displayed conservative water use and high drought tolerance. Of the clay provenances, the local one (Bout) displayed a highly negative (-29.31 ) value, which indicates less conservative water use that resulted in high productivity at this particular clay-soil site. Water use thus appeared to correspond to the environmental conditions prevailing at the original locations for these provenances. Results suggest that A. senegal provenances from the clay part of the gum belt are adapted for a faster growth rate and higher biomass and gum productivity as compared to provenances from sand regions. A strong negative relationship was found between the per-tree gum yield and water use efficiency, as indicated by δ13C. The differences in water use and gum production were greater among provenance groups than within them, suggesting that selection among rather than within provenances would result in distinct genetic gain in gum yield. The relative δ15N values ( ) were higher in B. aegyptiaca than in the N2-fixing acacia provenances. The amount of Ndfa increased significantly with age in all provenances, indicating that A. senegal is a potentially efficient nitrogen fixer and has an important role in t agroforestry development. The total above-ground contribution of fixed N to foliage growth in 4-year-old A. senegal trees was highest in the Rahad sand-soil provenance (46.7 kg N ha-1) and lowest in the Mazmoom clay-soil provenance (28.7 kg N ha-1). This study represents the first use of the δ15N method for estimating the N input by A. senegal in the gum belt of Sudan. Key words: Acacia senegal, agroforestry, clay plain, δ13C, δ15N, gum arabic, nutrient cycling, Ndfa, Sorghum bicolor, Sesamum indicum

Cattle Teeth in Graves : Interpretations of animal bones found in Finnish inhumation graves (ca AD 550-1700)

The nature of a burial is always ritualistic. This is often forgotten when dealing with Finnish inhumation burials containing animal bones. Only the animal bones found close to the deceased have traditionally been thought to have a ritualistic purpose. The animal bones found in the filling of the grave, which is still part of the burial, has on the other hand, often been neglected in the previous research. In this Master s thesis I will discuss the function and interpretation of animal bones in graves. The base of this study is six sites, all of different nature, from Finland. Luistari in Eura is from the western coast and is dated to Late Iron Age (and possibly Medieval period), the Medieval hamlet of Finno is situated in Espoo which is situated on the southern coast. Two town burials, Turku and Porvoo, are also included in this study. The graves from Turku are dated to Late Medieval period and Early Renaissance, whereas the cemetery in Porvoo is from the 18th century. Visulahti in Mikkeli is from the Late Iron Age and represents Eastern Finnish burial tradition, the same as Suotniemi from Käkisalmi parish, which is nowadays part of Russia. While parts of the animal bones had already been analysed before, the author also analysed animal bones for the purpose of the present Master´s thesis. The bones were compared to the burial contexts, when possible. Based on the comparisons I have made interpretations which might explain the existence of animal bones in the graves. The interpretations are among others sacrifice, commemoration meals and animal burials. The site could also have been a settlement site prior to the graves, thus the bones in the graves would belong to the settlement phase. When comparing the date of the studied sites, the town burials are later and the animal bones are probably related to previous or contemporary use of the sites as graveyards. On top of this there does not seem to be much difference in burial tradition between Eastern and Western Finland, although at least from the hamlet burials of Finno there are aspects that could be linked to Eastern burials. In making the interpretations I have taken into consideration the aspects of belief during different time periods when they could be accounted as relevant. Also the problems with bone preservation were relevant and challenging for the study. Often only the hardest substance of the skeleton, namely teeth, has been preserved. For this reason the quality of the archaeological documentation was a key issue in this study. In producing quality interpretations of the animal bones in graves, the bones, contexts and their relationship to the surrounding site should be documented with care.